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FORTY  YEARS 

OF  THE  PUBLIC  SCHOOLS 

IN  MISSISSIPPI 

WITH  SPECIAL  REFERENCE  TO  THE 
EDUCATION  OF  THE  NEGRO 


By 

Stuart  Grayson  Noble 

Professor  of  Education  in  Millsaps  College 


Submitted  in  Partial  Fulfillment  of  the  Requirements  for  the 

Degree  of  Doctor  of  Philosophy  in  the  Faculty 

of  Philosophy,  Columbia  University 


Published  by 

%twiS)tx%  College*  Columbia  ^ntbersittp 

NEW  YORK  CITY 
I918 


EXCHANGE 


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in  2007  with  funding  from 

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FORTY  YEARS 

OF  THE  PUBLIC  SCHOOLS 

IN  MISSISSIPPI 

WITH  SPECIAL  REFERENCE  TO  THE 
EDUCATION  OF  THE  NEGRO 


By 

Stuart  Grayson  Noble 

Professor  of  Education  in  Millsaps  College 


Submitted  in  Partial  Fulfillment  of  the  Requirements  for  the 

Degree  of  Doctor  of  Philosophy  in  the  Faculty 

of  Philosophy,  Columbia  University 


UNIV.  OF 

Califorkiia 


Published  by 

^eacjetsf  College,  Columbia  ?Hnibers(itp 

NEW  YORK  CITY 
I918 


v4^ 


.       1 


Copyright,  1918,  by  Stuart  Grayson  Noble 


PREFACE 

In  the  babel  of  many  voices  arising  in  the  South,  it  is  difficult  at 
times  to  determine  just  what  is  the  attitude  of  the  southern  white 
people  toward  the  education  of  the  Negro.  It  is  frequently  asked: 
Do  southern  people  believe  that  the  Negro  can  and  should  be 
educated?  What  facilities  have  been  provided  for  this  purpose?  Is 
the  trend  of  public  sentiment  toward  providing  more  adequate 
means  for  his  education?  Is  the  Negro  child  being  discriminated 
against  in  the  distribution  of  school  funds?  Does  the  progress  of 
the  race  in  the  past  fifty  years  justify  the  efforts  that  have  been 
put  forth  to  educate  the  Negro? 

In  an  effort  to  answer  these  questions  the  author  has  undertaken 
to  trace  the  history  of  public  education  in  the  typically  southern 
state  of  Mississippi,  taking  pains  at  every  stage  in  the  progress  of 
the  narrative  to  inquire  what  southern  white  people  have  thought 
and  done  about  the  education  of  the  Negro.  I  have  studied  closely 
the  social  and  economic  conditions  of  the  state  during  the  forty 
years  between  1870  and  19 10,  and  have  sought  the  bearing  of  these 
conditions  upon  the  education  of  both  white  and  colored  races.  In 
this  study,  since  practically  nothing  has  been  done  along  this  line 
in  Mississippi,  I  have  been  forced  to  draw  my  conclusions  largely 
from  data  contained  in  the  state  records,  in  the  government  reports, 
and  in  a  limited  number  of  local  newspapers. 


This  study  was  begun  during  the  summer  of  1915  in  a  course  in 
the  History  of  Education  in  the  United  States,  conducted  by  Dr. 
Paul  Monroe  in  Teachers  College,  Columbia  University.  I  am  under 
special  obligation  to  Dr.  Monroe  for  his  wise  and  helpful  suggestions 
as  to  the  plan  and  purpose  of  the  study. 

I  wish  to  acknowledge  the  valuable  assistance  of  the  Faculty 
committee  which  examined  it.  Dr.  William  H.  Kilpatrick  and  Dr. 
David  Snedden.  I  am  also  under  obligations  to  Dr.  Dunbar 
Rowland,  director  of  the  Department  of  Archives  and  History  of 
Mississippi;  to  Dr.  J.  C.  Fant,  of  the  University  of  Mississippi;  to 


f>«'>>46 


iv  Preface 

Professor  E.  C.  Branson,  of  the  University  of  North  Carolina; 
to  Mr.  Jackson  Davis,  field  agent  of  the  General  Education  Board ; 
and  to  my  colleagues,  Dr.  A.  A.  Kern  and  Dr.  J.  M.  Burton,  of 
Millsaps  College,  for  reading  the  manuscript  and  offering  sugges- 
tions for  its  improvement. 

s.  G.  N. 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 

The  Social  and  Economic  Setting,  1 870-1 871 i 

The   Attitude   of    the   Several   Social    Elements    toward 

Negro  Education 6 

The  Educational  Nucleus  Formed  before  1870 20 

Education  during  the  Reconstruction 28 

Education  under  Southern  Rule,  1 876-1 886     ......  48 

The  Development  of  the  Public  School  System  since  1886  61 

The  Status  of  the  Teaching  Body 77 

The  Distribution  of  the  Common  School  Fund 90 

The  Curriculum 98 

Public  Sentiment  in  Regard  to  the  Education  of  the  Negro 

since  1886 105 

The  Influence  of  Education  upon  the  Life  of  the  Negro   .  114 

Social  and  Economic  Progress 129 

Conclusions 133 

Bibliography 137 

Statistical  Summary 139 


CHAPTER  I 
THE  SOCIAL  AND  ECONOMIC  SETTING,  1870-1871 

Introductory.  In  its  legal  status  the  public  school  system  of  Mis- 
sissippi is  not,  nor  has  it  ever  been,  a  dual  system.  There  is  a  single 
school  system  which  provides  educational  advantages  for  the  chil- 
dren of  both  races.  If  there  were  a  legal  provision  which  specifically 
prohibited  the  children  of  one  race  from  enjoying  the  school  privi- 
leges extended  to  the  other,  such  a  provision  would  be  rendered  null 
and  void  by  the  Federal  Constitution,  as  a  discrimination  based 
upon  "race,  color,  or  previous  condition  of  servitude."  The  history 
of  the  public  schools  is  therefore  not  the  history  of  the  schools  which 
the  state  has  provided  for  the  instruction  of  the  white  youth,  but 
the  history  of  schools  provided  for  the  instruction  of  both  races. 
Despite,  however,  the  equal  status  before  the  law  of  white  and 
colored  schools,  educational  facilities  for  the  colored  race  have  not 
run  parallel  with  those  provided  for  the  whites.  Recognizing  this 
difference  the  author,  although  he  is  particularly  interested  in  trac- 
ing the  development  of  education  for  Negroes,  is  forced  to  give  a 
comprehensive  treatment  of  the  public  school  system  with  respect 
to  the  education  of  both  races,  in  order  to  give  a  faithful  account 
of  the  Negro  schools. 

Economic  and  social  conditions  that  have  tended  to  promote  the 
growth  and  efficiency  of  the  public  school  system  have  in  large 
measure  affected  the  trend  of  Negro  education.  In  like  manner, 
efficiency,  or  lack  of  efficiency,  in  the  administration  of  education 
has  been  felt  in  both  white  and  colored  schools.  At  the  begin- 
ning of  this  study,  therefore,  it  would  be  well  to  give  an  account 
not  only  of  the  organization  of  the  public  school  system,  but  to 
take  into  consideration  the  social  and  economic  conditions  which 
attended  its  birth. 

Density  of  Population.  Density  of  population  is  an  important 
factor  in  determining  the  growth  and  efficiency  of  school  systems. 
To  what  extent  this  factor  was  influential  at  this  period  in  Mis- 
sissippi, we  may  learn  from  a  study  of  the  census  reports  of  1870. 


*-»    .o-^*" 


•^ "^'  '."'> *.''':  'o? ^^tdMc  Schools  in  Mississippi 

There  were  then,  according  to  the  census  returns,  382,896  whites 
and  444,201  Negroes,  distributed  over  an  area  of  46,810  square 
miles,  or  17.9  persons  to  the  square  mile.  An  idea  of  the  relative 
density  of  the  state  may  be  had  if  we  consider  that  the  density  of 
Ohio  ^  at  this  time  was  65.4;  of  Pennsylvania,  78.3;  of  New  York, 
92.0;  and  of  Massachusetts,  181. 3.  There  were  only  two  ^  counties 
in  the  state  with  a  population  over  30,000,  and  there  were  seven 
counties  ^  with  less  than  5,000.  There  were  only  four  towns  in  the 
state  with  a  population  over  2,000,  and  Vicksburg,  the  largest  of 
these,  had  only  12,443. 

The  importance  of  density  of  population  with  respect  to  educa- 
tion may  be  seen  in  the  following  statements.  In  fifteen  counties, 
comprising  an  area  of  9,292  square  miles,  the  Negroes  out-numbered 
the  whites  nearly  three  to  one.^  In  this  'black  belt'  there  were 
I79>237  Negroes  and  60,004  whites,  or  298  Negroes  to  every  100 
whites.  This  situation  was  equalled  in  only  one  other  southern 
state,  Alabama,  which  had  a  somewhat  more  extensive  black  belt 
with  315  Negroes  to  every  100  whites.  The  black  belt  counties 
of  Mississippi  were  among  the  most  populous  of  the  state,  and  yet 
there  were  but  19.3  Negroes  and  5.1  whites  to  the  square  mile. 
This  means  that  even  the  most  populous  areas  of  the  state  were  but 
sparsely  settled.  It  means,  further,  if  we  allow  three  children  to 
the  family,  that  there  were  many  townships  in  this  section  in  which 
thirty-six  white  families^  would  have  to  support  schools  for  approxi- 
mately 100  white  children  and  400  Negro  children.  But  educational 
conditions  were  more  favorable,  under  a  system  of  local  taxation, 
in  the  black  belt  than  in  many  of  the  more  sparsely  settled  white 
counties,  since  the  black  counties  were  not  only  the  most  populous 
but  the  richest.  In  respect  to  the  poor  white  counties  Superinten- 
dent Pease  reported®  in  1872  that  there  were  many  in  which  the 

^  I  refer  to  these  states  in  particular  because  many  of  the  northern  men  who  had  in 
hand  the  organization  of  the  new  school  system,  were  most  familiar  with  schools 
in  these  states,  and  hoped  to  plant  their  old  ideas  in  new  soil.  They  failed  to  con- 
sider the  difference  pointed  out  above. 

2  Hinds  and  Lowndes. 

'The  'white  counties':    Greene,  Hancock,  Jackson,  Jones,  Marion,  Wayne,  Perry. 

*  Kelley  Miller:  Education  of  the  Negro,  United  States  Commissioner's  Report,  1900- 
1901.  p.  731- 

6  The  white  families  were  the  tax-payers;  the  Negroes  had  not  yet  acquired  property 
to  any  extent. 

8  United  States  Commissioner's  Report,  1873,  p.  213. 


Social  and  Economic  Setting,  i8yo-i8yi  3 

maximum  tax  levy  (ten  mills  for  schoolhouses  and  five  for  teachers) 
would  not  raise  revenue  sufficient  to  educate  one-fourth  of  the 
scholastic  population.  It  is  clear,  therefore,  that  the  factor  of 
sparse  distribution  of  the  population  was  to  play  an  important  part 
in  determining  the  number,  size,  and  grade  of  schools  to  be  estab- 
lished, as  well  as  in  determining  their  future  support. 

Illiteracy.  The  problem  of  illiteracy  in  1870  was  not  complicated 
to  an  undue  extent  by  the  question  of  race.  It  was  mainly  a  colored 
problem.  Advance  sheets  of  the  census  ^  this  year  showed  that  out 
of  a  total  population  of  382,896  whites,  there  were  23,103  adult 
illiterates;  and  that  out  of  a  total  of  444,896  Negroes,  there  were 
168,031  adult  illiterates.  It  is  evident  that  very  few  adult  Negroes 
were  able  to  read  and  write.  These  figures  are  sufficient  to  indicate 
that  the  educational  problem  in  1870  was  largely  the  problem  of 
providing  schools  for  Negroes  for  whom  no  schools  had  heretofore 
existed. 

Economic  Situation.  The  economic  situation  has  much  to  do  in 
shaping  the  sentiment  of  people  toward  education.  A  brief  summary 
therefore  will  not  be  out  of  place  just  here.  The  following  figures 
represent  the  assessed  value  of  real  and  personal  property  for  the 
years  indicated :  ^ 

i860 $509,472,902 

1865 134,131,128 

1870 177,288,892 

It  is  impossible  to  estimate  the  market  value  of  this  property, 
but  considering  the  unsettled  times,  the  figures  for  1865  and  1870 
are  certainly  not  underestimated.  It  may  be  added  that  during 
the  decade  between  i860  and  1870  the  value  of  farm  property  ^ 
alone  declined  from  $241,478,571  to  $92,890,758,  or  61.5  per  cent. 
During  the  same  period  the  cotton  crop  declined  from  1,202,507 
bales  to  565,559.  The  demoralization  of  war  and  the  inability  to 
make  a  proper  adjustment  to  the  new  economic  situation  are  written 
large  in  these  figures. 

An  element  worthy  of  consideration  in  this  connection  is  the 
fact  that  the  cotton  crops  for  1866,  1867,  and  1870  were  failures. 

^  United  States  Commissioner's  Report,  187 1,  p.  68. 

'  United  States  Congress,  Report  of  Committee  on  Affairs  in  Late  Insurrectionary 

States,  p.  179. 
'Abstract  of  United  States  Census,  1910,  Mississippi  Supplement,  p.  612. 


4  Public  Schools  in  Mississippi 

In  addition  to  this,  levees  (embankments)  which  had  protected  the 
fertile  Yazoo  Valley,  and  which  had  been  cut  during  the  war,  were 
not  repaired  until  1870.  This  threw  open  to  the  floods  4,000,000 
acres  of  the  most  fertile  land  in  the  state. ^° 

Still  another  factor  which  contributed  to  the  general  demoraliza- 
tion was  the  fact  that  the  state  had  suffered  the  loss  of  nearly 
$8,000,000  worth  of  cotton  by  confiscation,  and  the  loss  by  con- 
flagration during  the  war  of  countless  numbers  of  courthouses 
and  public  buildings.  The  Federal  government  also  had  levied  a 
two-and-one-half-mill  tax  upon  every  pound  of  cotton  for  the  years 
1866  and  1867,  and  a  three-mill  tax  for  1868." 

To  complete  the  story  of  demoralization  we  may  add  the  diffi- 
culty of  controlling  labor  in  this  unsettled  period  of  readjustment, 
and  the  inability  of  both  races  readily  to  adapt  themselves  to  the 
new  situation. 

Such  was  the  economic  situation  in  1870  when  it  was  proposed 
to  establish  a  system  of  public  schools,  costing  $1,000,000  for 
equipment,  and  $400,000  annually  for  maintenance.^^  The  initial 
cost  was  particularly  heavy  because  of  the  necessity  of  establishing 
separate  schools  for  whites  and  blacks.  The  white  tax-payers, 
already  driven  to  the  verge  of  bankruptcy  by  the  excessive  burdens 
of  war  and  taxation,  were  called  upon  to  support  this  new  burden. 

The  Political  Situation,  i86^-i8yo.  A  brief  review  of  the  political 
situation  is  in  order  just  here  that  we  may  understand  the  circum- 
stances under  which  the  public  school  system  was  organized.  Im- 
mediately after  the  close  of  the  Civil  War,  Governor  Clark  was 
arrested  by  the  federal  authorities  and  placed  in  prison,  and 
Judge  William  L.  Sharkey  was  appointed  by  President  Johnson 
as  provisional  governor.  Judge  Sharkey,  an  esteemed  citizen  of 
the  state,  shortly  after  assuming  the  duties  of  governor,  called  a 
convention  for  the  purpose  of  revising  the  constitution,  with  a 
view  to  making  it  conform  to  the  federal  requirements.  The  con- 
vention met  in  1865,  but  the  changes  which  were  made  in  the  con- 
stitution failed  to  satisfy  the  United  States  government.  The  mem- 
bers of  the  convention  were  representative  Southerners  and  naturally 
their  views  on  Negro  suffrage  and  the  new  status  of  the  freedman 

1°  Garner:  Reconstruction  in  Mississippi,  Chap.  IV. 
"  Ibid. 

12  The  estimate  of  Governor  Alcorn  here  given  is  doubtless  conservative.    See  Message 
on  Education,  1870,  House  Journal,  Appendix,  p.  12. 


Social  and  Economic  Setting,  1870-1871  5 

did  not  coincide  with  northern  views.  The  instrument,  however, 
was  accepted  by  the  state,  an  election  was  held  by  the  southern 
white  citizens,  and  the  legislature  was  called  to  adapt  the  old  code 
to  the  new  social  situation.  General  B.  G.  Humphreys,  a  promi- 
nent Mississippian,  was  elected  governor. 

Meanwhile,  a  federal  military  governor  exercised  police  control 
in  the  state,  his  authority  at  times  conflicting  with  that  of  the  civil 
authorities.  As  soon  as  the  constitution  of  1865  was  rejected  by 
the  federal  government  the  military  governor  began  organizing  the 
new  electorate  for  the  purpose  of  selecting  delegates  to  a  second 
Constitutional  Convention.  In  1868  the  military  governor  saw 
fit  to  exercise  his  legal  prerogative  of  removing  the  civil  governor. 
General  Humphreys,  and  to  appoint  in  his  place  General  Adelbert 
Ames,  of  the  federal  army. 

Under  the  leadership  of  military  authorities,  Freedmen's  Bureau 
officials,  and  carpet-baggers,  the  Negroes  were  organized  into  the 
Republican  party,  and  when  the  election  of  delegates  to  the  Con- 
stitutional Convention  took  place,  the  Republicans  returned  a 
substantial  majority.  Of  the  hundred  delegates,  seventeen  were 
Negroes,  some  twenty  or  more  were  carpet-baggers,  and  twenty-nine 
were  'scalawags'.  Altogether  it  was  a  motley  gathering  that  con- 
stituted what  became  known  as  the  'Black  and  Tan  Convention'. 

The  constitution  drafted  by  this  body  proved  acceptable  alike 
to  the  federal  government  and  to  the  new  proletariat  of  Mississippi. 
It  was  ratified  in  1869;  state  officers  were  elected  under  its  pro- 
visions in  the  fall  of  the  same  year.  The  Republicans  found  them- 
selves masters  of  the  situation,  with  a  good  majority  in  the  legisla- 
ture. General  A.  L.  Alcorn,  a  Southerner  who  believed  in  pursuing 
a  policy  of  conciliation  with  the  new  proletariat,  was  elected  gov- 
ernor. Captain  H.  R.  Pease,  then  at  the  head  of  the  Freedmen's 
Bureau  schools  in  the  state,  became  superintendent  of  education.^' 

"  The  historical  information  included  in  this  section  has  been  derived  mainly  from 
Garner's  Reconstruction  in  Mississippi  and  from  McNeily's  Provisional  Government 
.  of  Mississippi. 


CHAPTER  II 

THE  ATTITUDE  OF  THE  SEVERAL  SOCIAL  ELEMENTS 
TOWARD  NEGRO  EDUCATION 

The  Attitude  of  Southern  Whites  before  1870.  The  best  element 
of  southern  citizenry  were  quick  to  realize  in  the  passing  of  the 
Negro  from  slavery  into  freedom,  that  the  necessity  of  educating 
him  to  fit  into  the  new  social  fabric  stared  them  in  the  face.  Although 
many  seriously  doubted  his  ability  to  profit  from  schooling  beyond 
certain  limits,  there  seems  to  have  been  a  very  general  disposition 
among  southern  white  people  to  provide  schools  for  his  instruction. 
We  find  evidences  of  this  attitude  as  early  as  1865. 

In  the  inaugural  address  of  Governor  Humphreys,  October  16, 

1865,  we  find  this  statement  i^  "The  highest  degree  of  elevation  in 
the  scale  of  civilization  to  which  they  are  capable,  morally  and  intel- 
lectually, must  be  secured  to  them  by  their  education  and  religious 
training."  The  governor  expressed  his  faith  by  works  when,  in 
1867,  he  established  a  Freedmen's  Bureau  school  upon  his  own 
plantation.^ 

General  Thomas  J.  Wood,  assistant  commissioner  of  the  Freed- 
men's Bureau,  in  the  fall  of  1866  attempted  to  enlist  the  coopera- 
tion of  the  white  citizens  of  the  state  in  the  establishment  of  a  sys- 
tem of  Negro  schools.  His  proposition  was  endorsed  by  clergymen 
and  bishops  of  the  various  denominations,  and  seems  to  have  been 
quite  generally  approved  throughout  the  state.^  Dr.  C.  K.  Marshall, 
a  prominent  clergyman  of  the  day,  was  one  of  the  most  enthusiastic 
supporters  of  the  plan.     In  an  address  published  in  December, 

1866,  he  strongly  expressed  this  opinion:  "The  education  of  the 
freedmen's  children  in  the  common  branches  taught  in  our  schools, 
is  unquestionably  a  duty  we  owe  alike  to  ourselves  and  to  them." 
Early  in  1867,  J.  M.  Langston  made  a  tour  of  the  state  in  the  inter- 

1  Governor  Humphreys  was  elected  by  the  southern  whites  in  1865.    He  was  a  typical 

representative  of  the  Old  South.    See  McNeily:  Provisional  Government  of  Missis- 
sippi, Publications,  Mississippi  Historical  Society,  1916,  p.  16. 

2  Freedmen's  Bureau  Report,  January  i,  1867,  p.  17. 
'McNeily:  Provisional  Government  of  Mississippi,  ip.  221. 


Attitude  Toward  Negro  Education  7 

est  of  the  Freedmen's  Bureau,  and  reported  as  follows:  "I  talked 
with  no  leading  influential  white  man  in  Mississippi,  whatever  may- 
have  been  his  views  with  regard  to  the  late  rebellion  and  the  aboli- 
tion of  slavery,  who  did  not  express  the  opinion,  apparently  with 
full  earnestness,  that  the  freedmen  ought  to  be  educated." 

On  January  17,  1867,  at  the  organization  meeting  of  the  State 
Teachers'  Association,^  the  representative  southern  white  teachers 
went  on  record  as  favoring  a  state  system  of  public  schools  for  white 
and  colored  children  alike.  The  resolution  which  embodies  their 
opinion  reads: 

Resolved,  i.  That  the  enactment  of  a  public  school  system  that  shall  meet 
the  wants  and  necessities  of  the  entire  population  is  a  desideratum  of  the 
utmost  importance. 

2.  That  it  is  the  duty  as  well  as  the  interest  of  the  state,  through  its 
legislature,  to  establish  and  maintain  normal  schools  in  different  parts  of  the 
state  for  the  purpose  of  educating  colored  teachers,  so  that  they  may  be 
qualified  to  labor  as  teachers  among  the  colored  population  of  the  state. 

3.  That  it  would  be  for  the  interest  of  the  people  and  the  promotion  of 
education  to  have  a  uniform  system. 

A  year  later,  the  platform  of  the  Democratic  State  Convention 
contained  the  following  resolution:^ 

Resolved  .  .  .  that  we  will  in  good  faith  and  willingly  aid  in  securing 
to  the  colored  race  the  security  of  person  and  property,  and  full  guarantees 
against  oppression  and  injustice  as  freedmen;  cherishing  against  them  no 
feeling  of  hostility,  and  desiring  that  they  may  elevate  themselves  in  the 
scale  of  humanity  by  mental  culture  to  any  extent  of  which  they  may  be 
capable. 

While  there  seems  to  have  been  little  objection  to  the  education 
of  the  Negro,  there  was  objection  to  the  means  by  which  it  was 
being  undertaken.  Numerous  citations  may  be  noted  which  indi- 
cate hostility  to  northern  teachers  and  to  northern  doctrines.  The 
Jackson  Standard  voices  objection  in  these  words:* 

We  are  glad  to  see  an  awakening  disposition  on  the  part  of  the  southern 
people  to  take  charge  of  schools  for  little  Negroes,  and  have  them  taught  by 
southern  teachers  instead  of  Yankees.    It  is  patent  to  all  thinking  men  that 

*  Mayes:  History  of  Education  in  Mississippi,  p.  282;  also  "Progress  of  Education  in 

Mississippi,"  Mississippi  Teacher,  September,  1889. 
*•  Natchez  Democrat,  February  25,  1868. 

•  McNeily:  Provisional  Government  of  Mississippi,  p.  103.    Excerpt  quoted. 


8  Public  Schools  in  Mississippi 

the  policy  of  the  South  in  the  new  relation  with  the  Negro,  is  to  have  him 
educated  to  the  extent  of  his  capacity  and  condition.  And  this  should  be  done 
by  southern  people,  who  will  abstain  from  instilling  into  the  minds  of  Negroes 
hatred  and  distrust  of  the  Southerners.  We  should  be  better  friends  to  the 
Negro  than  to  quietly  turn  him  over  to  the  grasping  cupidity  of  the  New 
Englanders. 

The  Brandon  Republican  ^  expresses  the  same  opinion  and  urges 
southern  white  teachers  to  take  up  the  work  of  instructing  Negroes. 
The  Canton  Mail,  in  defending  a  disabled  Confederate  veteran 
who  was  teaching  a  Negro  school  at  Canton,  says: 

Who  can  blame  him?  He  saw,  as  all  sensible  men  must,  that  these  Negro 
schools  must  be  established  throughout  our  land,  and  knew  too,  that  it 
would  be  much  better  for  southern  men  to  train  the  minds  of  young  Africa, 
than  to  have  some  red-mouth  Radical  fill  the  position. 

'"McNeily  quotes  the  Meridian  Messenger  and  the  Oxford  Falcon 
to  almost  the  same  efifect.^  If  allowed  to  go  about  it  in  their  own 
way,  southern  leaders  seem  to  have  been  perfectly  willing  to  have 
the  Negro  educated.  Despite  the  frequent  objection  to  northern 
teachers,  before  1868  the  Freedmen's  Bureau  had  numerous  appli- 
cations from  planters  asking  teachers  for  the  freedmen  on  their 
plantations,  and  agreeing  to  provide  suitable  schoolhouses  on  con- 
dition that  teachers  were  sent  to  them.®  It  must  be  admitted,  how- 
ever, that  many  of  these  applications  for  teachers  were  prompted  by 
economic  rather  than  by  philanthropic  motives.  Schools  were  to  be 
established  in  order  to  attract  labor  and  to  keep  the  laborers  con- 
tented. 

We  must  not  conclude  that  there  was  no  opposition  to  the  edu- 
cation of  the  Negro  at  any  time  before  1870,  or  that  there  was  not 
a  certain  element  in  continuous  opposition.  The  opposition  to  the 
Freedmen's  Bureau  schools  was  at  first  more  strenuous  than  it  was 
in  any  other  state.^*'  Efforts  were  made  to  keep  the  Bureau  agents 
from  finding  places  to  teach;  teachers  were  abused  and  intimidated. 
But,  by  the  fall  of  1866,  if  we  may  accept  the  word  of  the  Bureau 
inspector,  despite  a  few  'rabid  fire-eaters',  a  favorable  change  had 
taken  place  in  the  minds  of  the  people.^^    The  excerpts  from  the 

'  Provisional  Government  of  Mississippi,  p.  104.     Excerpt  quoted. 

8  Ihid. 

8  Freedmen's  Bureau  Report,  January  i,  1868,  p.  33. 

*"  Ibid.,  January  i,  1866, 

*^  Freedmen's  Bureau  Report,  January  i,  1867,  p.  17. 


Attittide  Toward  Negro  Education  g 

press  previously  quoted  in  this  chapter  seem  to  point  toward  the 
'favorable  change'  referred  to  by  the  inspector. 

The  entry  of  the  Negro  into  politics  in  1868,  however,  seems  to 
have  brought  about  a  reversion  of  feeling  on  the  part  of  the  South- 
erners. McNeily  claims  that  General  Wood's  plan  for  a  system  of 
Negro  schools,  which  had  met  with  such  enthusiastic  endorsement 
a  year  earlier,  was  never  tested  out.^^  He  adds,  "There  can  be  no 
judgment  of  its  merits,  as  it  was  too  soon  swept  away  by  the  surging 
waves  of  race  distrust  and  antipathy  raised  by  the  ensuing  radical 
policy."  The  Southerners,  later,  doubtless  not  without  good  rea- 
son, viewed  with  suspicion  and  alarm  the  attempt  of  the  Republi- 
cans to  establish  by  public  taxation  a  system  of  free  public  schools 
— suspicion  and  alarm  intensified  because  they  were  denied  the 
power  to  say  how  much  they  should  be  taxed  to  support  this  system. 

In  the  spring  of  1868  the  'Black  and  Tan  Convention',  made  up 
largely  of  carpet-baggers  and  Negroes,  met  to  draft  a  constitution. 
The  carpet-baggers  were  in  many  cases  well-meaning  men,  able  and 
earnest,  but  they  had  slight  comprehension  of  the  complex  social 
situation  which  faced  them.  That  there  were  many  men  of  doubtful 
character  among  them  can  scarcely  be  denied.  The  radical  element 
of  the  convention  soon  secured  control  and  proceeded  to  write  into 
the  constitution  elaborate  provisions  for  a  public  school  system. 

On  the  floor  of  the  convention  the  storm  center  on  the  question 
of  education  hovered  about  Section  5,  ^'  which  was  unanimously 
reported  by  the  Committee  on  Public  Education,  February  3, 
1868.  This  section  provided  that  a  school  should  be  maintained  in 
each  school  district  at  least  four  months  in  the  year,  and  that  no  dis- 
trict should  receive  a  share  of  the  school  fund  if  such  were  not  the 
case.  Mr.  Stovall,  a  Republican  representative  from  Carroll 
County,  moved  to  amend  this  section  by  adding: 

Provided,  That  separate  schools  for  the  white  and  colored  children  be 
maintained  in  each  district.  And  provided  further,  That  should  there  not  be 
a  sufficient  number  of  either  race  to  maintain  a  separate  school,  the  minority 
race  shall  have  the  privilege  of  sending  to  school  in  an  adjoining  district,  and 
be  entitled  to  their  pro  rata  of  the  school  fund  the  same  as  if  the  school  was 
taught  in  their  own  district.^* 

^2  McNeily:  Provisional  Government  of  Mississippi,  p.  241. 
"  Journal  of  Constitutional  Convention,  1867-1868,  p.  148. 
i<  Ibid.,  p.  316. 


10  Public  Schools  in  Mississippi 

The  amendment  was  tabled,  as  was  also  a  similar  provision  by  Mr. 
Compton,  and  a  third  amendment  proposing  to  subsidize  the 
private  schools  in  sparsely  settled  districts  for  the  benefit  of  the 
minority  race.^^  The  section  on  the  raising  of  funds  for  the  establish- 
ment and  maintenance  of  the  system  seems  to  have  passed  without 
much  controversy. 

There  can  hardly  be  any  doubt  that  it  was  the  purpose  of  the 
convention  to  establish  a  system  of  'mixed  schools',  that  is,  schools 
to  be  attended  by  the  children  of  both  races.  This  action, ^^  com- 
bined with  the  proposition  to  raise  funds  for  the  support  of  the 
schools  by  a  property  tax,  created  pronounced  opposition  on  the 
part  of  the  Southerners  to  the  whole  scheme.  The  Daily  Clarion, 
the  chief  organ  of  the  Democrats  in  the  state,  shortly  after  the 
tabling  of  Stovall's  amendment,  has  this  to  say  of  the  article  on 
education :  ^^ 

As  the  measure  now  stands,  a  fund  will  be  raised  by  taxing  the  property 
of  the  people  to  build  up  a  gigantic  system  of  Tublic  Education',  under  the 
control  of  imported  amalgamationists.  The  white  people,  who,  it  is  desig- 
nated, shall  pay  this  tax,  will  be  admitted  to  the  enjoyment  of  its  benefits 
only  on  condition  that  they  will  send  their  children  to  these  mixed  schools. 
This  they  can  never  do,  without  violating  all  the  instincts  of  their  nature, 
and  degrading  themselves  and  polluting  their  posterity.  The  scheme  prac- 
tically will  amount  to  their  exclusion. 

An  editorial  of  a  later  date  indicates  the  depth  of  feeling  which 
the  suggestion  had  raised :  ^^ 

No  intelligent  and  true  friend  of  the  Negro,  much  less  of  the  white  race, 
can  look  upon  the  measure  with  any  other  feeling  but  of  loathing  and  disgust. 
In  the  intent  of  the  authors  to  set  the  indestructible  laws  of  God  at  defiance, 
and  to  subvert  the  usages  of  the  white  race  in  both  sections  of  the  Union, 
they  have  sown  the  seeds  of  ineradicable  enmity  and  discord  between  the 
races. 

The  Clarion,  however,  wished  it  to  be  distinctly  understood  that 
it  did  not  oppose  Negro  education,  when  it  denounced  in  such 
strenuous  language  the  mixed  school  proposition.^^ 

^8  Journal  of  Constitutional  Convention,  1867-1868,  p.  360. 
1*  Garner:    Reconstruction  in  Mississippi,  p.  363. 
1'  Daily  Clarion,  February,  1868. 
18  Ibid.,  February  21,  1868. 
»  Ibid.,  April  8,  1868. 


Attitude  Toward  Negro  Education  ii 

In  concluding  this  section  on  the  attitude  of  the  southern  whites 
prior  to  1870,  we  may  say  that  it  seems  clear  that  the  leaders 
favored  the  education  of  the  Negro,  although  many  doubted  his 
ability  to  advance  very  far.  They  were  ready  to  cooperate  in  pro- 
viding schools  for  the  elevation  of  the  race,  asking  only  a  voice  in 
deciding  the  means  for  establishing  these  schools,  and  in  determin- 
ing the  kind  of  teachers  that  were  to  be  employed.  They  were 
opposed  to  northern  teachers,  and  endeavored  to  persuade  southern 
people  to  become  teachers  in  Negro  schools.  They  felt  that  north- 
ern immigrants  did  not  sympathize  with  their  inbred  aversion  to 
social  equality  with  the  Negro,  and  feared  that  amalgamation  of 
the  races  would  be  brought  about  through  mixed  schools.  Finally, 
they  strenuously  objected  to  being  taxed  without  representation 
for  the  support  of  schools,  and  more  especially  did  they  object  at 
this  time  because  of  their  sore  economic  straits.  If  they  had  been 
able  to  provide  the  means  for  the  education  of  the  Negro,  and  had 
had  the  assurance  that  no  pernicious  doctrines  would  be  instilled 
into  him,  it  is  altogether  likely  that  they  would  have  cooperated 
heartily  in  the  enterprise. 

Attitude  of  Southern  Whites  after  1870.  The  southern  white  people 
watched  with  anxious  and  suspecting  eyes  the  activities  of  the  car- 
pet-bag government  in  organizing  the  new  school  system.  The 
carpet-bag  and  Negro  elements  ratified  their  constitution  in  Decem- 
ber, 1869.  The  legislature  was  forthwith  called  to  draft  laws  in 
accordance  with  its  provisions.  In  the  discussion  of  the  Public 
School  Bill,  introduced  shortly  after  the  session  convened,  the  same 
questions  which  had  created  so  much  excitement  in  1868,  namely, 
the  question  of  mixed  schools,  and  the  question  of  providing  the 
means  for  maintenance,  came  to  the  forefront. 

The  Public  School  Bill  ^o  placed  the  administration  of  the  schools 
under  a  county  superintendent,  appointed  by  the  state  board  of 
education,  and  under  a  county  board  of  directors,  vested  with  large 
powers  for  the  location  of  schools,  for  defining  the  limits  of  sub- 
districts,  and  electing  teachers.  One  section  of  the  bill  which  caused 
the  Southerners  great  annoyance  read  as  follows :  ^^ 

Be  it  enacted,  That  all  children  of  the  state  between  the  ages  of  five  and 
twenty-one  shall  have,  in  all  respects,  equal  advantages  in  the  public  schools. 

*•  House  Journal,  1870,  H.  B.  352. 
«  Laws  of  1870,  Chap.  I,  Sect.  49. 


12  Public  Schools  in  Mississippi 

And  it  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  school  directors  of  any  district  to  establish  an 
additional  school  in  any  sub-district  thereof,  whenever  the  parents  or  guardi- 
ans of  twenty-five  children  of  legal  school  age,  and  who  reside  within  the 
limits  of  the  sub-districts,  shall  make  written  application  to  said  board  for 
the  establishment  of  the  same. 

The  bill  originated  in  the  House,  and  it  was  here  that  the  first 
fight  was  made  upon  this  objectionable  section.  Its  enemies  inter- 
preted this  to  mean  that  the  school  directors  might,  or  might  not, 
establish  mixed  schools,  as  they  saw  fit.  Thomas  S.  Maxey,  of 
Rankin,  submitted  a  minority  report  ^^  of  the  Educational  Com- 
mittee which  had  reported  favorably  upon  the  bill,  declaring  that 
the  law  should  make  the  establishment  of  separate  schools  manda- 
tory, "and  thereby  give  the  children  of  the  tax-payers  of  the  state, 
the  benefit  of  an  institution  which  they  are  compelled  to  maintain." 
In  this,  Maxey  was  voicing  the  opinion  of  a  large  majority  of  the 
southern  white  people,  not  only  Democrats  but  also  Republicans. 
Governor  Alcorn,  a  Republican  in  politics  but  a  Southerner  in  sym- 
pathy, had  previously  advised,  in  a  special  message,^^  that  the  legis- 
lature "bring  to  the  subject  that  earnest  spirit  of  justice  to  both 
races  which  demands  that  the  schools  be  kept  absolutely  separate." 

When  the  bill  reached  the  Senate  the  fight  was  renewed  upon  the 
mixed-school  feature.  On  June  28,  Lieutenant-Governor  R.  C. 
Powers  found  it  necessary  to  take  the  floor  personally  in  its  defense.^* 
His  treatment  of  the  subject  indicated,  at  least  so  far  as  he  was  con- 
cerned, that  the  carpet-baggers  now  had  no  intention  to  force  white 
and  colored  children  into  the  same  schools,  unless  the  people  so  de- 
sired it.  His  point  of  view  may  be  seen  in  the  following  excerpt  from 
his  speech: 

The  provisions  of  this  bill  are  wise  in  this  respect,  for  while  it  recognizes 
no  class  distinctions  (which  of  itself  should  render  any  law  odious  in  a  repub- 
lican government),  it  nevertheless  consults  the  convenience  and  meets  all 
the  reasonable  demands  of  the  people,  by  providing  for  the  establishment  of 
an  additional  school  or  schools,  in  any  sub-district  where  the  parents  or 
guardians  of  twenty-five  or  more  children  desire  it. 

This  leaves  the  details  of  the  law  where  they  rightly  belong — and  where 
they  can  be  readily  arranged,  and  all  conflicting  interests  harmonized — with 

22  House  Journal,  1870,  p.  402. 

^^  Ibid.,  Appendix,  1870,  pp.  12-20. 

2*  Senate  Journal,  1870,  p,  436. 


Attitude  Toward  Negro  Education  13 

the  people.  If  the  people  desire  to  provide  separate  schools  for  white  and 
black,  or  for  good  and  bad  children,  or  for  large  and  small,  or  for  male  and 
female,  there  is  nothing  in  this  law  that  prohibits  it.  The  widest  latitude  is 
granted,  and  certainly  no  class  of  children  in  the  state  can  be  said  to  be 
excluded  from  school  advantages  by  any  provision  of  the  bill. 

The  lieutenant-governor  seems  to  have  been  honest  in  this  ex- 
pression. He  failed,  however,  to  take  into  consideration  the  depth 
of  prejudice  which  had  been  aroused  against  the  government  of 
'mongrelism',  and  which  made  the  Southerners  suspicious  of  the 
political  element  that  had  overthrown  them.  So  far  as  the  harmony 
of  the  several  elements  of  the  Republican  party  was  concerned,  his 
stand  was  politic,  but  It  would  have  gone  far  to  allay  the  suspicion 
of  the  southern  whites,  had  he  declared  himself  positively  in  favor 
of  separate  schools.  For  some  time  Southerners  remained  out  of 
sympathy  with  the  school  system  because  they  did  not  know  at 
what  time  the  carpet-baggers  might  try  to  force  mixed  schools 
upon  them. 

Not  until  the  Reconstruction  officers  had  begun  to  perfect  the 
plans  for  the  new  system  did  it  dawn  upon  the  Southerners  that 
the  mixed  school  idea  had  been  definitely  abandoned.  The  Hinds 
County  Gazette  in  November,  1870,  stated  :^^ 

We  have  no  idea  that  the  new  Board  [of  Directors  of  Hinds  County]  will 
attempt  the  great  crime  of  forcing  a  mixture  of  the  races  in  the  county. 

The  Mississippi  Educational  Journal,  organized  as  the  mouthpiece 
of  the  State  Department  of  Education  in  February  of  the  next 
year,  says:^^ 

Since  the  'bugbear'  of  mixed  schools  for  the  races  which  was  raised  for  an 
evil  purpose  by  the  enemies  of  the  system,  has  been  completely  demolished, 
and  the  purpose  of  the  law  and  its  construction  have  come  to  be  properly 
understood,  the  popular  mind  has  taken  hold  of  the  subject  with  ardent 
enthusiasm. 

Yet,  in  the  discussion  of  the  Civil  Rights  Bill  in  Congress,  a  speech 
of  John  R.  Lynch  2'  (colored)  of  Mississippi  indicates  that  the  mixed 
school  question  had  not  been  completely  disposed  of,  even  in  1875. 

The  question  which  concerned  the  southern  Democrats  perhaps 
even  more  vitally  than  the  mixed  school  issue  was  the  question  of 

"  Hinds  County  Gazette,  November  9,  1870. 

2«  Mississippi  Educational  Journal,  February,  1870,  p.  5. 

*^  Weekly  Pilot,  February  20,  1875. 


14  Public  Schools  in  Mississippi 

taxation  for  the  support  of  the  schools.  Lynch,  in  his  recently  pub- 
lished book,  The  Facts  of  Reconstruction,'^^  admits  that  the  storm  of 
protest  that  went  up  from  the  tax-payers  when  they  heard  the 
demands  that  would  be  made  upon  them  by  the  school  system,  was 
not  without  good  cause.  But  he  adds,  "The  Constitution  called  for 
the  establishment  of  the  system,  and  of  course  it  had  to  be  done." 

As  an  example  of  the  intensity  of  feeling  upon  the  subject  I  will 
quote,  "the  most  distinguished  and  widely  known  school  man  in 
the  State,"  Thomas  S.  Gathright.  When,  in  October,  1870,  he  was 
called  upon  for  an  expression  of  opinion  on  the  new  school  law,  he 
said  in  part :  ^^ 

I  consider  the  law  referred  to,  not  only  a  failure  in  accomplishing  good,  but 
an  unmitigated  outrage  upon  the  rights  and  liberties  of  the  white  people  of 
the  state. 

I  will  cite  Noxubee  County,  for  an  example.  The  tax  to  build  school- 
houses  will  be  $40,000,  and  not  twenty-five  white  children  in  the  county  can 
be  benefited,  while  the  colored  population  pay  almost  no  part  of  this  tax. 
I  exhort  the  friends  of  our  southern  children  to  pay  the  tax,  and  then  to  send 
their  children  to  their  own  private  schools. 

The  storm  of  protest  against  the  obnoxious  system  of  taxation 
continued  well  into  the  next  year.  It  was  clearly  the  chief  cause 
of  the  'ku  klux'  outrages  in  the  eastern  counties  in  1871.  Since  tax 
levies  were  mainly  for  the  benefit  of  the  schools,  the  wrath  of  this 
mysterious  organization  was  directed  against  them.  Other  reasons 
for  the  hostility  of  the  order  toward  the  school  system  have  been 
assigned,  but  clearly  the  cause  which  provoked  the  outbreak  was 
the  expense  of  the  system.  Both  majority  ^^  and  minority  ^^  reports 
of  the  committee  of  Congress  which  investigated  these  outrages 
confirm  the  truth  of  the  above  statement.^^ 

Hostility  to  immigrant  teachers  who  were  supposed  to  be  teach- 
ing the  Negroes  doctrines  of  social  equality  and  hatred  of  southern 
whites  still  continued.  The  reports  of  the  'ku  klux'  investigating 
committee  bring  out  this  point.  Colonel  A.  P.  Huggins,  county 
superintendent  of  Monroe  County,  was  beaten  and  driven  from  the 

"Lynch:   The  Facts  of  Reconstruction  (1913),  pp.  34,  50,  51. 
29  Hinds  County  Gazette,  October  12,  1870. 

80  United  States  Congress:  Report  of  the  Committee  on  Affairs  in  the  Late  Insurrec- 

tionary States,  p.  75. 

81  Ihid.,  p.  289. 
»2  cf.,  p.  37. 


Attitude  Toward  Negro  Education  15 

county  because  he  was  the  'instrument'  for  collecting  the  taxes,  and 
because  the  schools  which  he  organized  were  being  taught  by  for- 
eign teachers  suspected  of  teaching  social  equality. 

Excerpts  from  contemporary  newspapers  set  forth  the  southern 
attitude  toward  northern  teachers.  The  Hinds  County  Gazette 
quotes  a  prominent  daily  as  follows:  ^^ 

We  have  it  on  good  authority  that  the  public  school  teachers  imported  from 
the  North  into  several  of  the  counties,  are  Radical  emissaries  in  disguise, 
who  not  only  insiduously  inculcate  the  political  creed  of  that  party,  but  are 
propagandists  of  its  social  equality  doctrines. 

The  same  paper  a  month  later  quotes  Horace  Greeley's  eulogy 
of  the  'Yankee  school  marm'  and  makes  the  following  comment :  ^ 

The  'school  marm'  finds  her  level  in  the  association  and  the  embrace  of 
those  that  she  regards  as  her  equal  in  every  respect.  We  pity  the  southern 
negro,  Mr.  Greeley,  and  by  no  means,  the  'school  marm*. 

The  fact  that  northern  white  teachers  were  practically  ostracized 
by  the  Southerners,  and  in  many  places  were  unable  to  secure  board 
in  white  families,  probably  accounts  for  their  being  generally  mis- 
understood by  the  southern  white  people.^^  Since  they  were  thus 
forced  to  associate  to  a  great  extent  with  Negroes,  their  motives 
quite  reasonably  fell  under  the  suspicion  of  Southerners  unused  to 
such  intimacy  with  the  colored  race.^^ 

I  have  undertaken  thus  far  in  this  section  to  locate  the  causes  for 
the  hostility  of  the  southern  people  to  the  public  school  system. 
The  chief  ground  for  opposition  was  undoubtedly  the  expense  of 
establishment  and  maintenance,  an  expense  to  be  met  by  taxation 
of  property  owners  who  had  no  representation.  A  second  cause  for 
opposition  may  be  found  in  the  fear  that  mixed  schools  would  be 
established;  and  a  third,  in  the  character  of  the  teachers  that  were 
placed  in  charge  of  the  schools.  We  may  add  finally  that  there  was 
also  opposition,  perhaps  not  so  extensive  as  has  been  thought,  to 
the  education  of  the  Negro. 

Northerners  seem  to  have  thought  that  the  southern  people 
wished  to  keep  the  Negro  in  ignorance  in  order  to  keep  him  in  sub- 

w  Hinds  County  Gazette,  March  15,  1871,  quotes  the  Daily  Clarion. 

^  Mr.  Greeley  made  a  visit  to  Mississippi  in  1871  and  wrote  his  impressions  in  the 

New  York  Tribune.    Hinds  County  Gazette,  April  26,  1871. 
^  Garner:   Reconstruction  in  Mississippi,  p.  359. 
»"  Publications,  Mississippi  Historical  Society,  vol.  xiii,  p.  258. 


1 6  Public  Schools  in  Mississippi 

jection.^^  This  was  doubtless  a  mistaken  judgment  since  this  opinion 
found  expression  nowhere  in  the  contemporary  southern  papers  I 
have  examined.  Whenever  the  school  system  was  criticised, 
usually  the  education  of  the  Negro  was  opposed  on  other  grounds 
previously  mentioned. 

The  fact  that  southern  teachers  were  frequently  advised  to 
teach  in  Negro  schools,  and  the  fact  that  a  number  of  them  did  teach 
in  such  schools,^^  is  evidence  that  southern  people  did  not  so  much 
object  to  the  education  of  the  Negro  as  they  did  to  the  means  by 
which  the  carpet-baggers  were  providing  it.  It  was  not  the  public 
school  system  that  fell  under  their  disfavor,  but  the  abuses  which 
grew  out  of  it. 

The  Attitude  of  the  Negro  toward  Education,  The  Negroes  readily 
listened  to  the  northern  immigrants  who  came  among  them  to 
teach  them  how  to  employ  their  newly  acquired  freedom.  They 
seemed  to  regard  the  public  schools  as  institutions  established  for 
their  benefit  in  particular,  and,  as  long  as  they  were  a  factor  in 
politics,  watched  jealously  after  the  interests  of  the  system.^^  The 
presence  among  the  immigrants  of  a  considerable  number  of  edu- 
cated Negroes,  early  pressing  forward  into  the  places  of  leadership 
in  the  state,  furnished  living  examples  of  what  education  could  do. 
James  Lynch,  H.  R.  Revels,  and  T.  W.  Cardoza  were  among  the 
most  prominent  Negroes  in  the  state,  and  each  of  them  took  a  lively 
interest  in  education.  The  Gazette  (i 870-1 871)  repeatedly  referred 
to  the  'school  ring'  consisting  of  the  state  superintendent,  the  county 
superintendents,  and  Lynch,  secretary  of  state  and  ex-officio  member 

37  Mississippi  Educational  Journal,  February,  1 871,  p.  28. 

38  Historians  who  have  covered  this  era  refer  to  the  fact  that  prominent  southern  gen- 

tlemen and  refined  southern  ladies  of  good  families  frequently  taught  Negro 
schools!  Poverty  seems  to  have  driven  most  of  such  people  to  this  means  of  mak- 
ing a  livelihood.  Garner  reports  several  cases,  among  which  he  mentions,  a  school 
conducted  by  the  Chancellor  of  the  State  University.  Superintendent  J.  H.  Alex- 
ander of  Attala  County  reported  to  the  State  Department  in  1872  that  several  of 
the  "most  worthy  citizens  of  the  white  race  were  prevailed  upon  to  engage  as  teach- 
ers for  this  class."  The  Mississippi  Educational  Journal  (1871)  pointed  with  pride 
to  the  fact  that  "in  several  counties  there  are  ladies  employed  in  colored  schools, 
who  a  year  ago  would  have  thought  such  employment  in  the  highest  sense  dis- 
graceful." The  'ku  klux'  investigating  committee  called  attention  to  several  in- 
stances. On  the  whole,  however,  the  teaching  of  Negro  schools  does  not  seem  to 
have  been  very  general  on  the  part  of  southern  people.  The  few  instances  seem 
to  have  attracted  attention  because  of  their  rarity. 

39  Hinds  County  Gazette,  October  18,  1876;   January  28,  1878;   October  26,  1881. 


Attitude  Toward  Negro  Education  17 

of  the  Board  of  Education.  Revels  was  the  first  Negro  to  sit  in  the 
United  States  Senate,  and  later  became  president  of  Alcorn  Uni- 
versity. Cardoza  was  the  second  state  superintendent.  Negro 
leaders  uniformly  advocated  public  education. 

The  Negroes  generally  seemed  to  favor  mixed  schools  as  the 
means  of  securing  equal  advantages  with  the  whites.  In  the  Con- 
stitutional Convention  (1868)  they  were  almost  unanimously  in  favor 
of  tabling  the  several  amendments  which  proposed  the  establishment 
of  separate  schools. ^°  When  the  mixed  school  proposition  was  agi- 
tated in  the  United  States  Congress  in  1875,  in  connection  with  the 
Civil  Rights  Bill,  John  R.  Lynch,  Negro  representative  from  Mis- 
sissippi, stated  the  position  of  the  Negroes  as  follows:*^ 

My  opinion  is  that  the  passage  of  this  bill  just  as  it  passed  the  Senate,  will 
bring  mixed  schools  only  in  localities  where  one  or  the  other  of  the  two 
races  is  small  in  numbers,  and  that  in  localities  where  both  races  are  large 
in  numbers,  separate  institutions  of  learning  will  continue  to  exist,  for  a 
number  of  years  at  least. 

He  then  went  on  to  say  that  Negroes  did  not  so  much  wish  to  get 
into  the  white  schools  as  to  make  sure  that  there  would  be  no  dis- 
crimination against  them  on  account  of  color.  Yet  the  adoption  of 
his  principle  would  have  made  mixed  schools  well  nigh  universal  in 
the  rural  districts  of  Mississippi. 

Among  the  masses  of  the  Negroes,  eagerness  for  education  during 
the  Freedmen's  Bureau  era  was  at  times  fairly  general,  but  seemed 
to  decline  as  they  became  more  and  more  interested  in  politics.^ 
Night  schools  numbering  seventy-six  in  1868  declined  to  eleven  the 
next  year;  day  schools  declined  from  ninety-eight  to  seventy,  and 
the  enrolment  in  the  schools  fell  off  about  a  third.  Under  the 
Reconstruction  regime  efforts  to  secure  the  passage  of  a  compulsory 
education  law^^  seem  to  indicate  that  the  masses  were  not  taking 
advantage  of  the  opportunities  furnished  them  by  the  school 
system. 

The  Attitude  of  the  Northern  Whites  toward  Negro  Education.  The 
carpet-baggers,  generally  speaking,  were  of  the  opinion  that  all 
that  was  needed  to  place  the  Negro  on  an  equal  footing  with  the 

*o  Daily  Clarion,  April  8,  1868. 

*i  Weekly  Pilot,  January  20,  1875.    (Lynch's  speech  quoted  in  full.) 

"  See  page  23. 

"  See  page  46. 


1 8  Public  Schools  in  Mississippi 

white  race,  was  education.  Holding  to  the  Socratic  dictum  that 
"knowledge  is  virtue,"  they  believed  that  public  instruction  would 
cure  all  the  ills  of  society,  physical,  mental,  and  moral.  R.  C. 
Powers,  one  of  the  most  able  of  their  leaders,  in  his  campaign  for 
the  lieutenant-governorship  in  1869  gave  his  keynote  as  follows:^'* 
"The  Negro  is  a  dangerous  element  in  society  because  he  is  ignorant. 
Remove  the  ignorance  and  there  is  no  more  cause  for  fear." 

They  were  unable  to  understand  the  tradition  which  had  bound 
the  southern  people  to  private  rather  than  public  education.  They 
had  the  impression  that  the  southern  aristocracy  had  willfully  kept 
the  Negroes  and  poor  whites  in  ignorance  in  order  to  keep  the  one 
in  slavery,  and  the  other  in  political  subserviency.  The  Educational 
Journal  bears  out  this  statement  when  it  declares  that  ignorance 
was  responsible  for  the  deplorable  condition  of  the  country,  as  well 
as  the  direct  cause  of  the  secession: 

The  ignorant  and  illiterate  voters  throughout  the  state,  and  especially 
where  they  were  in  the  majority,  as  in  the  case  of  the  poorer  counties,  were 
the  main  strength  of  the  secession,  and  the  only  class  that  could  be  success- 
fully duped  into  a  willful  war  against  the  government.'*^ 

They  could  not  understand  the  position  of  the  Southerner,  who, 
unused  to  heavy  taxes  in  the  days  of  his  prosperity,  raised  strenu- 
ous objection  to  a  vexatious  burden  laid  upon  him  by  alien  hands 
in  the  days  of  his  adversity.  If  the  Southerner  complained,  the 
carpet-baggers  assigned  as  reasons,  hostility  to  the  public  school 
system,  and  jealousy  of  the  political  leverage  which  the  advocacy 
of  popular  education  had  secured  for  the  Republican  party .*^ 

The  northern  immigrants  were  mistaken  in  believing  that  they 
could  transplant  bodily  a  northern  institution  in  southern  soil  and 
make  it  grow  at  once.  Their  experience  in  educational  affairs  had 
been  secured  in  older  and  more  populous  states  into  which  the  race 
question  had  not  entered.  The  consequence  of  their  error  was  to 
array  the  old  southern  element  solidly  against  them  on  the  ques- 
tions of  maintenance,  mixed  schools,  foreign  teachers,  and  social 
doctrines. 

In  their  favor  we  may  say  that  a  large  number  of  them  were 
earnest,  conscientious,  and  animated  by  high  philanthropic  motives. 

^  Vicksburg  Daily  Times,  October  28,  1869. 

<*  Mississippi  Educational  Journal,  February,  1871,  p.  28. 

<6  Ihid.,  February,  1871,  p.  5. 


Attitude  Toward  Negro  Education  19 

When,  at  the  end  of  the  first  year  of  the  organization  of  the  public 
schools,  the'  machinery  was  found  too  expensive,  Superintendent 
Pease  ^^  was  one  of  the  first  to  advise  a  change.  Governor  Powers  *^ 
later  advised  local  officers  to  be  economical  and  spend  less  on  build- 
ings and  furniture.  It  is  hard  to  believe  that  the  'Yankee  school 
marms'  who  faced  ostracism  from  their  race  in  coming  to  the  South, 
were  not  of  the  stuff  that  martyrs  are  made  of. 

<7  House  Journal,  1873,  p.  729. 
*^  Senate  Journal,  1873,  p.  11. 


CHAPTER  III 
EDUCATIONAL  NUCLEUS  FORMED  BEFORE  1870 

In  the  last  chapter  we  saw  that  the  tax-payers  were  considerably 
aroused  over  the  prospect  of  heavy  taxes  for  the  support  of  the 
school  system.  To  better  comprehend  the  size  of  the  undertaking, 
and  the  amount  needed  to  begin  operations,  it  is  necessary  to  make 
a  hasty  survey  of  the  educational  situation  at  that  time.  Questions 
which  naturally  suggest  themselves  in  this  connection  are:  What 
material  equipment  was  there  to  begin  with  ?  What  had  been  done 
before  1870  in  the  way  of  organizing,  grading,  and  supervising  the 
schools?  An  attempt  to  answer  these  questions  will  be  made  in 
the  succeeding  pages  of  this  chapter. 

The  Ante-helium  School  System.  It  is  not  within  the  scope  of  this 
treatise  to  give  a  detailed  account  of  the  ante-bellum  school  system, 
yet  a  word  should  be  dropped  to  inform  the  reader  that  the  state 
had,  prior  to  1865,  at  least  recognized  the  principle  of  popular  edu- 
cation by  taking  certain  very  definite  steps  toward  the  organization 
k^  of  a  system  of  public  schools.^  When  the  state  came  into  the  Union 
'  in  1 81 7,  it  was  provided  by  an  act  of  Congress  that  the  sixteenth 
section  of  every  township  should  be  reserved  for  school  purposes. 
Popular  education  was  further  aided  by  the  creation  of  the  Literary 
Fund  in  1821.  The  sixteenth  sections  were,  by  acts  of  the  legisla- 
ture in  1833  and  1836,^  turned  over  to  township  trustees  to  be 
leased  to  the  highest  bidders,  for  a  period  of  ninety-nine  years.  The 
trustees  were  permitted  to  accept  in  payment  promissory  notes  on 
personal  security,  and,  as  a  consequence  of  this  lax  management, 
most  of  the  sixteenth  sections  were  never  paid  for.  Thus  the  greater 
part  of  the  school  fund  was  dissipated  before  any  steps  had  been 
taken  toward  the  organization  of  a  school  system. 

A  general  school  law,  passed  in  March,  1846,  proved  to  be  defec- 
tive, and  was  later  rendered  almost  useless  by  privileged  local 

^  Mayes :    History  of  Education  in  Mississippi;    The  Progress  of  Education  in  Missis- 
sippi;  chapters  on  Education  in  Memoirs  of  Mississippi. 
2  Laws  of  1833,  p.  452;  Laws  of  1835. 


Educational  Nucleus  Formed  Before  1870  2 1 

legislation.  Schools  were  established  and  received  public  support, 
but  very  little  was  done  toward  perfecting  the  organization  of  the 
school  system  before  the  Civil  War. 

The  Constitutional  Convention  of  1865,  controlled  by  native 
whites,  did  not  modify  the  article  on  education  which  had  been 
written  into  the  constitution  of  1832.^  This  was  a  vague  and  rather 
indefinite  statement  giving  the  sanction  of  the  state  to  the  princi- 
ple of  popular  education.  It  did  not  forbid  the  education  of  Negroes, 
yet  made  no  special  provision  for  it. 

The  legislature,  called  to  meet  in  the  fall  of  1865,  was  too  busy 
defining  the  political  and  economic  relations  of  the  two  races  to  pay 
much  attention  to  education.  Several  acts  with  reference  to  the 
collection  or  to  the  investigation  of  county  school  funds  were 
passed.  These  acts,  together  with  an  act  which  modified  the  appren- 
ticeship law  ^  governing  the  binding  out  of  the  children  of  freedmen, 
constitute  the  sum  total  of  the  legislation  with  respect  to  education. 
The  next  legislature,  which  was  also  a  southern  organization,  seems 
to  have  done  nothing  worthy  of  notice. 

In  this  connection  we  should  not  fail  to  take  into  account  the 
practical  training  for  the  actual  duties  of  life  which  took  place  upon 
almost  all  southern  plantations  before  the  Civil  War.  Planters 
quite  generally  selected  certain  laborers  and  had  them  trained  in  the 
ordinary  trades,  such  as  carpentry,  blacksmithing,  etc.  Then  also 
the  conduct  of  the  slaves  was  regulated  to  a  large  extent  by  the  mas- 
ters. Such  training,  while  not  partaking  of  the  character  of  literary 
instruction,  was  no  less  potent  in  shaping  the  life  of  the  ante-bellum 
Negro. ^ 

If  anything  in  the  way  of  material  equipment  had  been  provided 
before  1870  we  may  be  sure  it  amounted  to  very  little.  With  re- 
spect to  this  point,  John  R.  Lynch  says:  ^  "There  was  not  a  public 
school  building  anywhere  in  the  state  except  in  a  few  of  the  larger 
towns,  and  they,  with  possibly  a  few  exceptions,  were  greatly  in 

»  Journal  of  Constitutional  Convention,  1865,  Article  VIII,  Section  14. 

*  The  apprenticeship  law  of  1829  (Laws  of  1829,  p.  179),  governing  the  binding  out  of 
the  children  of  free  Negroes,  did  not  require  the  master  to  teach  the  apprentice  any- 
thing except  the  'business  or  occupation'.  The  later  law  (Laws  of  1865,  Chap.  V) 
did  require  the  master  to  see  that  the  apprentice  was  taught  to  read  and  write. 
This  seems  to  represent  a  fundamental  change  of  attitude  in  the  southern  whites. 

'  Weatherf ord :  Negro  Life  in  the  South,  p.  88. 

6  Lynch :  The  Facts  of  Reconstruction,  p.  34. 


22  Public  Schools  in  Mississippi 

need  of  repairs.  To  erect  the  necessary  school  houses  and  to  re- 
construct and  repair  those  already  in  existence  so  as  to  afford  edu- 
cational facilities  for  both  races  was  by  no  means  an  easy  task." 

For  the  whites,  the  educational  nucleus  consisted  largely  of  the 
ante-bellum  academies  and  private  schools  which  had  survived  the 
devastation  of  war  and  poverty.  The  state  superintendent  in  his 
first  report  ^  (1871)  accounts  for  381  private  white  schools  with 
391  teachers  and  5,249  pupils.  At  the  same  time  he  reports  the 
existence  of  53  private  colored  schools  with  49  colored  teachers  and 
1,454  pupils.  These  latter  were  largely  maintained  by  northern 
mission  societies  and  philanthropic  organizations. 

Activities  of  the  Freedmen's  Bureau.  In  November,  1862,  General 
Grant  found  it  necessary  to  take  some  action  in  order  to  prevent 
the  large  number  of  Negroes  who  had  attached  themselves  to  his 
army  from  seriously  embarrassing  his  commissary.^  Accordingly, 
he  appointed  Chaplain  John  Eaton  as  superintendent  of  Negro 
affairs  in  his  department,  with  instructions  to  "set  them  to  work 
picking,  ginning,  and  baling  all  cotton  now  out  and  ungathered  in 
the  field."  Representatives  of  the  various  religious  and  philan- 
thropic organizations  followed  in  the  wake  of  the  invading  army 
to  assist  in  the  education  as  well  as  the  relief  of  the  Negroes.  The 
Society  of  Friends,  the  American  Missionary  Association,  and  the 
Western  Freedmen's  Aid  Commission  were  the  first  in  the  field. ^ 
The  Freedmen's  Department  (as  it  was  then  called)  received  orders 
September  26,  1863,  to  aid  these  representatives  with  transporta- 
tion, rations,  and  places  in  which  to  teach.  Beyond  giving  advice 
in  regard  to  the  distribution  of  teachers  and  the  location  of  schools, 
the  superintendent  of  the  department  exercised  no  control  over 
their  activities.  Complications  soon  arose  among  the  societies. 
Some  central  authority  was  necessary  to  insure  regularity  of  tuition 
fees,  and  uniformity  in  other  matters  of  administration. ^^  General 
Eaton,  September  26,  1864,  was  authorized  to  designate  certain 
officers  as  superintendents  of  colored  schools,  and  the  department 
assumed  general  supervision  of  the  educational  work. 

7  Report  of  Superintendent,  1871,  Statistics. 

8  P.  S.  Pierce:    The  Freedmen's  Bureau,  p.  9.     Grant's  claim  to  having  first  initiated 

work  for  the  freedmen  does  injustice  to  the  claims  of  Generals  Butler,  Wool,  and 

Sherman,  who  worked  independently  about  the  same  time. 
8  Eaton:   Grant,  Lincoln  and  the  Freedmen,  Chap.  XIV. 
10  Ihid. 


Educational  Nucleus  Formed  Before  1870  23 

An  act  of  Congress,  July  16,  1866,  enlarged  the  powers  of  the 
Bureau  for  educational  purposes.  The  work  heretofore  accom- 
plished had  been  done  without  the  authorization  of  Congress. ^^ 
Funds  for  teachers,  books,  and  the  furnishing  of  buildings  had  been 
derived  from  the  rent  of  abandoned  property.  This  act  also  author- 
ized cooperation  with  private  benevolent  societies.  An  appropria- 
tion of  $500,000  in  1867,  and  still  another  appropriation  in  1868, 
materially  aided  the  work  of  the  Bureau. 

The  Bureau  did  extensive  work  in  Mississippi  until  1870.  The 
work  was  at  first  conducted  under  the  supervision  of  Rev.  Joseph 
Warren,  and  after  his  removal  in  the  latter  part  of  1866,^^  j^  ^^s  car- 
ried on  by  Captain  H.  R.  Pease,  who  later  became  state  superin- 
tendent.^^ An  idea  of  the  scope  and  progress  of  the  undertaking 
may  be  had  by  an  examination  of  the  statistical  summary  here 
given. 

There  was  at  first  "inveterate  opposition"  to  the  work  of  the 
Bureau  on  the  part  of  the  southern  white  people.  This  opposition 
manifested  itself  in  threatening  teachers  and  in  preventing  the 
agents  of  the  Bureau  from  securing  places  to  teach.  It  had  disap- 
peared to  a  large  extent  by  the  spring  of  1867,  but  the  report  of  the 
inspector,  January  i,  1868,  seems  to  indicate  that  opposition  had 
revived.  In  one  section  this  turn  of  public  sentiment  was  attributed 
to  the  "recent  so-called  radical  reaction  in  the  North."  ^^  The  politi- 
cal situation  in  the  state  was  no  doubt  in  large  measure  responsible 
for  the  change. 

At  first  the  Negroes  showed  the  "usual  eagerness  to  learn,"  but 
attendance  in  the  schools  seems  throughout  the  whole  period  to 
have  been  very  irregular.  Cotton  picking  probably  interfered  with 
the  attendance  in  the  fall.  The  excitement  of  the  triumphant  entry 
of  the  Negro  element  into  state  politics  caused  a  decided  slump  in 
the  attendance  in  1869  and  1870.^^  A  constant  falling  off  in  the 
number  of  night  schools  established  for  adults,  indicates  that  the 
interest  of  the  Negroes  had  waned  considerably.  General  Superin- 
tendent Alvord  in  1868  estimated  that  one  colored  child  of  school 

"  p.  S.  Pierce:   The  Freedtnen's  Bureau,  p.  76. 
^2  Inspector's  Report,  January  i,  1867,  p.  17. 
"  Ibid.,  June  30,  1867,  p.  33. 
"  Ibid.,  January  i,  1868,  p.  34. 
^^  Ibid.,  January  i,  1870,  p.  35. 


24 


Public  Schools  in  Mississippi 


age  out  of  every  fifteen  was  enrolled  in  the  schools. ^^    This  was  the 
lowest  ratio  of  all  southern  states. 

The  organization  of  Sunday  schools  was  first  begun  by  southern 
citizens  in  the  spring  of  1866.^^  The  nature  of  the  instruction  offered 
in  freedmen's  schools  appears  not  to  have  produced  the  moral 
results  which  had  been  expected  by  the  Bureau. ^^  An  effort  was 
made  to  remedy  this  situation  in   1868  by  the  organization  of 

TABULAR  VIEW  OF  THE  ACTIVITIES  OF  THE  FREEDMEN'S 
BUREAU  IN  MISSISSIPPI,  1866-187O 

{Compiled  from  the  Semi- Annual  Reports  of  the  Inspector) 


1866 

1867 

1868 

J869 

1870 

Jan- 
uary 

July 

Janu- 
ary 

July 

Jan- 
uary 

July 

Janu- 
ary 

July 

Janu- 
ary 

Night  schools 

20 

76 

29 

13 

II 

16 

Day  schools 

46 

56 

98 

79 

70 

56 

Both 

34 

50 

42 

66 

132 

127 

92 

81 

72 

White  teachers 

73 

83 

60 

65 

61 

Colored  teachers 

9 

45 

40 

40 

29 

Both 

80 

82 

128 

100 

105 

90 

Enrolment 

5,407 

2,129 

4.697 

6,253 

4,003 

4,344 

3.475 

Average  attendance 

3,549 

3,062 

3,361 

2,586 

Sabbath  schools 

21 

45 

White  pupils 

51 

24 

47 

7 

temperance  societies;  thirty  societies  were  organized  that  year. 
The  laxness  of  the  domestic  relations  of  the  sexes  was  another 
problem  which  vexed  the  Bureau.  On  the  subject  of  looseness  of 
morals,  Superintendent  Pease  had  this  to  say  in  1869:  ^^  "There 
has  not  been  the  advancement  in  the  moral  condition  of  the  freed 
people,  commensurate  with  their  education  and  general  intelligence." 
Accordingly,  he  began  to  wage  a  campaign  for  temperance  and 
purity,  making  addresses  in  various  parts  of  the  state.  He  also 
took  pains  to  discipline  immoral  teachers. 

^8  Inspector's  Report,  January  i,  1868,  p.  47. 

17  Ibid.,  July  I,  1866,  p.  7. 

"  Ibid.,  January  i,  1869,  p.  29. 

"  Ibid.,  January  i,  1869,  p.  29. 


Educational  Nucleus  Formed  Before  i8yo  25 

The  Bureau  officials,  particularly  in  the  early  days  of  the  organiza- 
tion, manifested  great  confidence  in  the  ability  of  letters  and  book- 
learning  to  function  in  the  lives  of  the  Negroes.^^  After  a  year  or 
two  of  experience,  however,  they  came  to  acknowledge  the  impor- 
tance of  training,  both  manual  and  moral,  and  to  emphasize — at 
least  in  theory — this  form  of  education. 

Instruction  in  the  early  days  was  of  course  very  elementary. 
"Education  for  the  freedmen,"  says  the  first  semi-annual  Report  of 
the  Inspector, 2^  "as  a  whole,  must  be  at  first  very  rudimentary,  in 
which  the  text  will  be  found  mainly  in  the  spelling  book,  but  which 
can  become,  as  soon  as  possible,  universal."  In  the  second  Report  ^^ 
we  find  a  similar  statement:  "With  the  Bible,  spelling-book,  and 
freedom  as  the  basis  of  instruction,  the  poorest  teaching  is  better 
than  the  present  ignorance." 

Day  schools  were  organized  for  children,  and  night  schools  for 
adults,  but  we  have  no  evidence  that  children  received  one  form  of 
instruction  and  adults  another.  In  1868,  there  were  2,710  pupils 
studying  "spelling  and  easy  reading."  Needle-work,  introduced  in 
1868,  appears  to  have  been  the  only  form  of  manual  work  taught 
in  the  schools,  and  even  this  does  not  seem  to  have  been  very  popu- 
lar. The  highest  enrolment  in  this  subject  was  reached  in  1869 
when  154  pupils  were  being  trained,  but  during  the  next  year  the 
number  dropped  to  thirty-four. 

Two  aims  of  education  were  formulated  in  1869  by  the  Bureau:  ^^ 

First.  Moral  culture  should  be  paramount  in  our  plans;  the  conscious 
practical  aim  in  all  our  schools  .     .     . 

Second.  The  various  affairs  and  economies  of  everyday  life  should  be 
taught;  cleanliness,  dress,  home  habits,  social  proprieties,  uses  of  furniture, 
preparation  of  food,  and  tasteful  construction  of  buildings,  though  with  rustic 
materials;  also  industry,  and  individual  self-reliance;  labor  productive  of 
support  and  thrift;   habits  of  saving,  with  the  right  use  of  what  is  saved. 

It  was  further  suggested  that  industrial  science  and  art  be 
brought  into  the  higher  schools,  and  that  music  and  temperance  be 
taught.  The  activities  of  the  Bureau  were  discontinued  before  any 
attempt  was  made  to  put  these  theories  into  practice.    Here,  how- 

20  Inspector's  Report,  January  i,  1866,  p,  i. 

21  Ibid.,  p.  12. 

«  Ibid.,  July  I.  1866. 
23/Wd.,  July  I,  1869. 


26  Public  Schools  in  Mississippi 

ever,  were  laid  down  the  principles  which  have  been  worked  out  in 
such  schools  as  Hampton,  Tuskegee,  and  Tougaloo. 

There  were  several  contributions  which  the  Freedmen's  Bureau 
made  to  Negro  education  in  Mississippi. 

First,  the  schools  served  to  awaken  the  Negroes  to  the  need  of 
education. 

Second,  they  gave  rudimentary  instruction  to  a  considerable 
number  of  Negroes,  thus  partially  fitting  them  to  become  teachers  in 
the  public  schools.  The  Freedmen's  Bureau  pupils  were  beginning 
to  teach  in  1869.2^ 

Third,  the  Bureau  prepared  the  ground  for  the  organization  of 
the  public  school  system.  The  state  had  been  divided  into  twenty- 
one  sub-districts  ^^  and  an  effort  had  been  made  to  establish  schools 
in  every  part  of  the  state,  so  there  were  doubtless  few,  if  any, 
places  so  remote  that  the  Negroes  had  not  heard  of  the  advantages 
to  be  derived  from  education. 

Fourth,  the  Bureau  provided  a  centralized  scheme  of  organiza- 
tion which  could  easily  be  taken  over  by  the  state  authorities.  Mr. 
Pease  in  1870  said:  "In  all  the  principal  cities  and  towns  the  schools 
are  thoroughly  classified,  graded,  and  conducted  by  earnest,  thor- 
ough and  practical  teachers."  ^^  The  experience  which  this  gentle- 
man had  gained  from  managing  the  affairs  of  the  Bureau  made  him 
possibly  the  best  man  that  the  Republicans  could  have  selected  to 
inaugurate  the  new  school  system.  When  he  assumed  the  duties 
of  state  superintendent,  he  still  retained  his  position  with  the 
Bureau.^ 

Fifth,  the  Bureau  left  material  equipment  in  the  form  of  buildings 
and  furniture  which  could  be  utilized.  While  there  are  only  twelve 
school  buildings  reported  as  owned  by  freedmen  in  1870,  a  consider- 
able number  of  rented  buildings  had  been  furnished  by  the  Bureau. 

The  Peabody  Fund.  The  Peabody  Fund  was  created  in  February, 
1867,  for  the  benefit  of  the  cause  of  education  in  the  southern  states. 
The  first  distribution  of  the  fund  was  made  in  1868.  Nine  towns 
and  one  private  institute  were  aided  with  small  amounts  this  year.^^ 

24  Inspector's  Report,  July  i,  1869,  p.  44. 
26  Ihid.,  July  I,  1868,  p.  34. 

26  Ihid.,  January  i,  1870,  p.  35. 

27  Ihid.,  p.  29. 

28  Proceedings,  Peabody  Fund,  1868,  p.  108. 


Educational  Nucleus  Formed  Before  1870  27 

So  far  as  can  be  determined,  the  donations  to  these  towns  were  for 
the  benefit  of  white  schools.  In  1869,  on  account  of  the  uncertain 
poHtical  situation  in  the  state,  only  six  towns  were  aided. 

In  the  Peabody  report  for  1868,  it  is  interesting  to  note  that  there 
were  3,000  children  of  school  age  in  the  city  of  Vicksburg,  one-half 
of  whom  were  colored,  and  that  there  were  1,130  colored  children  in 
school.  The  town  was  given  two  thousand  dollars  on  condition  that 
it  enlarge  its  corps  of  teachers  so  as  to  "admit  all  white  children  that 
apply."  2^  The  Negro  pupils  here  referred  to  were  doubtless  in  Freed- 
men's  Bureau  schools. 

From  the  information  which  we  have  at  hand  it  appears  that  the 
public  school  system  had  to  be  built  from  the  ground  up.  Not  only 
did  buildings  have  to  be  erected,  but  a  working  organization  had 
to  be  provided,  and  teachers  had  to  be  imported  to  meet  the  de- 
mands made  for  properly  qualified  instructors  in  both  white  and 
colored  schools.  Such  was  the  situation  that  faced  the  Reconstruc- 
tion government  in  the  spring  of  1870. 

*•  Proceedings,  Peabody  Fund,  1868,  p.  108. 


CHAPTER  IV 
EDUCATION  DURING  THE  RECONSTRUCTION 

The  Organization  of  the  System.  The  constitution  of  1869  was 
drafted  by  the  famous  'Black  and  Tan  Convention',  dominated  by 
the  carpet-bag  and  Negro  elements.  In  this  convention  the  former 
slave  holders  formed  a  hopeless  minority.  On  February  3,  1868, 
the  Committee  on  Public  Education  made  a  unanimous  report  on 
the  provision  for  education,  which,  with  a  few  minor  amendments, 
was  adopted  almost  as  proposed.^ 

The  legislature  was  authorized  to  establish  a  uniform  system  of 
free  public  schools  for  the  benefit  of  all  children  between  the  ages 
of  five  and  twenty-one,  and  to  establish  schools  of  higher  grade  as 
soon  as  practicable.^  The  system  was  placed  under  the  supervision 
of  a  state  superintendent,^  to  be  elected  by  the  people  at  the  same 
time  and  in  the  same  manner  as  the  governor,  for  a  four-year  term. 
There  was  also  to  be  a  state  board  of  education,^  consisting  of  the 
state  superintendent,  the  secretary  of  state,  and  the  attorney  general, 
vested  with  the  management  of  the  school  funds  and  with  such 
other  authority  as  should  be  prescribed  by  law.  The  state  superin- 
tendent was  empowered  to  appoint  county  superintendents  for  two- 
year  terms.^  He  was  further  authorized  to  report  to  the  legislature 
within  twenty  days  after  its  first  session,  a  uniform  system  of  free 
public  schools.^ 

A  school  fund  was  provided  ^  by  the  setting  aside  of  the  following: 
(i)  Funds  derived  from  swamp  lands  granted  to  the  state  for  school 
purposes  (with  certain  exceptions);  (2)  funds  derived  from  the 
lands  vested  in  the  state  by  escheat,  purchase,  or  forfeiture  for 
taxes;    (3)  fines  collected  for  the  breach  of  penal  laws,  and  all 

^  Journal  of  Constitutional  Convention,  1865,  p.  148. 

2  Constitution  of  1869,  Article  VIII,  Section  i. 

3  Ihid.,  Section  2. 
*  Ibid.,  Section  3. 

5  Ihid.,  Section  4. 

6  Ihid.,  Section  5. 

7  Ihid.,  Section  6. 


Education  During  the  Reconstruction  29 

moneys  received  for  licenses  granted  for  the  sale  of  intoxicating 
liquors;  (4)  all  moneys  paid  as  an  equivalent  for  exemption  from 
military  duty,  funds  arising  from  the  consolidation  of  the  township 
funds,  and  moneys  donated  to  the  state  for  school  purposes.  The 
school  fund  was  to  be  invested  in  United  States  bonds.  It  might  be 
increased  but  not  diminished.  The  interest  was  to  be  inviolably  ap- 
propriated to  the  public  schools.  A  poll  tax  of  two  dollars  for 
school  purposes  was  made  permissive.  The  fund  was  to  be  dis- 
bursed to  the  counties  on  the  basis  of  the  number  of  children  of 
school  age. 

During  the  debate  on  the  article  on  education,  two  provisions 
were  made  the  points  of  attack.  The  first  was  the  section  allowing 
the  state  superintendent  to  appoint  the  county  superintendents. ^ 
After  a  spirited  debate,  it  was  decided  to  make  the  office  appointive, 
but  to  empower  the  legislature  to  make  it  elective.  The  storm 
center,  however,  hovered  about  the  question  whether  or  not  the 
constitution  should  make  one  set  of  schools  accommodate  both 
races.  From  the  nature  of  the  discussion,  which  has  been  given 
elsewhere  in  this  treatise,  it  is  clear  that  the  framers  of  the  con- 
stitution favored  mixed  schools.  When  they  said,  "A  school  shall 
be  maintained  in  each  school  district  at  least  four  months  in  the 
year  .  .  ."  ^  they  certainly  regarded  the  district  as  the  smallest 
unit  of  organization,  and  possibly  only  the  shrewdest  of  their 
number  anticipated  the  later  definition  of  the  term  as  a  county  com- 
prehending a  number  of  sub-districts. 

Other  sections  of  the  article  on  education  were  accepted  by  the 
members  of  the  convention  with  little  discussion.  The  sections 
chiefly  objected  to  by  the  southern  press  were  Section  5,  relating  to 
mixed  schools,  and  Section  10,  which  empowered  the  legislature  to 
levy  and  collect  such  taxes  as  were  needed  to  maintain  the  school 
system.  The  constitution,  drafted  by  this  convention  was  ratified 
by  the  electorate,  that  is,  by  the  Negro  and  carpet-bag  element, 
December  i,  1869. 

In  the  spring  of  1870,  the  officers  elected  under  the  new  con- 
stitution took  their  seats.  Honorable  J.  L.  Alcorn,  a  southern 
leader  who  had  turned  Republican  under  the  persuasion  that  the 
best  interests  of  the  state  would  be  subserved  by  pursuing  a  policy 

'  Constitution  of  1869,  Article  VIII,  Section  4. 
•  Ibid.,  Section  5. 


30  Public  Schools  in  Mississippi 

of  conciliation,  was  installed  as  governor.  In  his  inaugural  address 
he  declared  himself  strongly  in  favor  of  the  establishment  of  a 
system  of  common  schools  for  the  benefit  of  the  "poor  white  and 
colored  children  of  the  state  who  had  been  permitted  in  the  past 
to  grow  up  like  wild  flowers."  A  special  message  on  education, ^^ 
shortly  after  his  installation,  outlined  a  plan  for  the  organization  of 
the  school  system.  First,  he  asserted  that  the  most  imperative  need 
of  the  state  was  that  of  trained  teachers.  To  provide  for  this  need 
he  recommended  the  appropriation  of  $20,000  for  the  purchase  of 
Tougaloo  University,  a  Negro  school  belonging  to  the  American 
Missionary  Association,  to  be  used  for  a  state  normal  and  agricul- 
tural school  for  the  colored  race.  He  believed  that  there  should  be 
a  normal  school  for  each  race  but  that  the  colored  normal  was  most 
urgent  at  this  time.  The  governor's  plan  for  the  organization  of 
the  system  was  derived  from  a  study  of  the  New  York  and  Penn- 
sylvania systems.  Two  points  for  which  he  stood  emphatically 
were  separate  schools  for  the  races,  and  local  election  or  appoint- 
ment of  county  superintendents.  On  these  points  the  legislature 
differed  with  him.  In  regard  to  the  launching  of  the  system,  he 
favored  a  gradual  up-building  which  would  not  tax  too  heavily  the 
impoverished  tax-payers. 

As  we  have  seen,  the  constitution  had  erected  the  framework 
about  which  the  system  was  to  be  built  when  it  had  provided  for  a 
state  school  fund,  had  established  the  state  board  of  education, 
had  created  the  elective  ofifice  of  state  superintendent,  and  had  de- 
creed that  county  superintendents  should  be  appointed  by  the 
state  department  unless  other  provision  were  made.  The  legal 
status  of  the  system  was  further  defined  by  the  legislature  on  July  4, 
1870. 

At  the  head  of  the  system  was  the  state  board  of  education  " 
with  general  supervision  over  all  school  funds,  empowered  to  appoint 
county  superintendents  with  the  confirmation  of  the  Senate,  and  to 
remove  these  officers  for  incompetency  or  neglect  of  duty.  The 
state  superintendent  ^^  was  made  the  chief  administrative  officer. 
He  was  given  general  supervision  of  the  system,  required  to  pre- 
scribe rules  for  organization,  decide  disputes,  solicit  reports  from 

"  House  Journal,  Appendix,  pp.  12-20. 
"Laws  of  1870,  Chap.  I,  Sections  i,  12,  13. 
12  Ibid.,  Section  14. 


Education  During  the  Reconstruction  31 

state  institutions,  visit  schools,  and  provide  for  the  holding  of  teach- 
ers' institutes  in  each  congressional  district. 

The  county  was  made  the  unit  of  local  organization.^^  A  board  of 
six  school  directors, ^^  appointed  by  the  county  board  of  supervisors 
to  represent  the  several  supervisors*  districts,  were  delegated  with 
the  functions  of  local  administration.  The  directors  were  appointed 
for  a  three-year  period  of  service,  their  terms  expiring  at  different 
times.  They  were  to  receive  mileage  and  a  per  diem  of  three  dollars 
for  actual  service.  They  were  vested  with  corporate  powers,  and 
also  empowered  to  form  sub-districts,  to  fix  the  boundaries  of  these 
to  suit  the  convenience  of  the  people,  to  purchase  grounds  and  erect 
buildings,  to  establish  union  or  graded  schools  wherever  necessary, 
to  prescribe  texts,  to  hire  teachers,  and  to  furnish  the  board  of 
supervisors  with  an  estimate  of  the  cost  of  school  sites,  construction 
and  rental  of  buildings,  repairs,  fuel,  etc. 

The  county  superintendent  ^^  was  the  administrative  officer  of 
the  school  district.  Besides  being  given  general  supervision  of  the 
schools  of  the  county,  he  was  required  to  examine  and  certificate 
teachers,  to  report  to  the  state  department  annually  on  the  condi- 
tion of  the  schools,  school  lands,  etc.,  to  report  to  the  state  auditor 
the  enumeration  of  the  educable  children,  and  to  perform  such  other 
duties  as  should  be  specified  by  the  state  department.  He  was  to 
receive  a  per  diem  of  five  dollars  for  actual  service. 

The  system  of  education  was  to  be  established  and  maintained 
largely  by  local  taxation.  It  is  true  that  a  state  school  fund  had 
been  provided  for  by  the  constitution,  but  since  the  amount  of 
available  funds  embraced  by  this  was  small,  a  tax  was  necessary  to 
furnish  the  means  for  equipping  and  supporting  the  schools.  The 
boards  of  directors  were  authorized  by  law  to  furnish  the  county 
boards  of  supervisors  with  an  estimate  ^®  of  the  funds  needed  to  run 
the  schools  of  the  district,  and  the  supervisors  were  required  to  levy  a 
tax  on  the  property  of  the  county  to  meet  this  expense.    Taxes  thus 

13  Laws  of  1870,  Chap.  I,  Section  2. 

"  In  towns  of  5,000  and  over,  the  boards  of  aldermen  appointed  the  directors  of  the 
separate  district,  selecting  representatives,  as  far  as  possible,  from  the  several 
wards.  Such  boards  were  given  the  same  powers  as  county  directors.  Since,  how- 
ever, there  were  less  than  half  a  dozen  towns  of  this  class,  at  this  time,  we  need  not 
consider  the  separate  district  in  this  connection  (Section  23). 

"  Laws  of  1870,  Chap.  I,  Section  19. 

1*  Ibid.,  Sections  27,  32. 


32  Public  Schools  in  Mississippi 

levied  were  to  be  kept  separate  from  the  state  apportionment.  It 
was  provided  also  that  there  should  be  separate  levies  for  a  school- 
house  fund  and  for  a  teachers'  fund.  The  maximum  levy  for  the 
schoolhouse  fund  was  fixed  at  ten  mills,  and  the  maximum  levy  for 
the  teachers*  fund  at  five  mills. 

The  Operation  of  the  System.  I.  The  public  school  system,  legally 
organized  in  July,  1870,  went  into  operation  in  the  fall  of  that  year 
under  the  leadership  of  State  Superintendent  H.  R.  Pease.^^  The 
law  required  that  county  superintendents  should  be  appointed  by 
the  state  department,  and  that  the  county  school  directors  should 
be  appointed  by  the  county  boards  of  supervisors.  As  no  election 
of  county  and  local  officers  ^^  was  held  until  November,  1871,  the 
duty  of  appointing  the  county  supervisors  devolved  upon  the 
military  governor,  General  Ames.  The  appointees  were  in  most 
cases  Republicans,  'scalawags',  if  not  Negroes  and  carpet-baggers. 
Thus,  the  local  units  were  permitted  to  take  no  hand  in  the  initiation 
of  the  system.  The  loss  of  the  right  to  determine  the  personnel  of 
the  boards  of  directors  was  of  graver  consequence  than  the  loss  of 
the  right  to  elect  the  county  superintendents.  The  directors  had 
the  power  of  establishing  schools,  fixing  the  boundaries  of  sub-dis- 
tricts, erecting  and  equipping  buildings,  and  fixing  the  amount  of 
the  tax  levy.  The  southern  whites,  who  constituted  the  tax-payers, 
were  given  no  voice  in  determining  how  much  they  should  be  taxed. 

There  was  good  reason  for  a  highly  centralized  organization  for 
the  installation  of  the  system.  Centralization  insured  the  estab- 
lishment of  schools  in  all  counties;  it  provided  for  a  sufficient  tax 
levy  to  maintain  the  schools;  it  saw  that  the  Negroes  were  not 
overlooked.  On  the  other  hand,  it  vested  the  power  of  raising  local 
funds  in  the  hands  of  men  who  were  not  required  to  share  the  bur- 
dens which  they  imposed;  who,  in  many  cases,  had  lived  only  a 
short  time  in  the  state,  and  consequently  had  little  appreciation  of 
the  difficulty  the  southern  whites  were  having  in  trying  to  adjust 
themselves  to  the  new  economic  situation;  who  often  belonged  to 
the  less  worthy  class  of  immigrants,  with  no  experience  in  the 

"  Henry  R.  Pease,  a  native  of  Connecticut,  a  Federal  captain,  and  later  agent  of  the 
Freedmen's  Bureau.  It  devolved  upon  him  to  organize  the  public  school  system. 
His  competency  has  never  been  questioned.  He  stepped  from  the  state  superinten- 
dency  into  the  United  States  Senate.    Rowland's  Mississippi. 

*8  Gamer:  Reconstruction  in  Mississippi,  p.  357. 


Education  During  the  Reconstruction  33 

affairs  of  government,  and  with  the  selfish  exploitation  of  the 
country  too  often  as  their  only  excuse  for  being  there.  The  evils 
bred  by  this  plan  of  organization  were  legion.  Misunderstandings 
arose  where  none  should  have  existed;  injustice  was  done  when 
none  was  intended;  lack  of  sympathy  was  at  first  well  nigh  uni- 
versal;   fraud  and  corruption  were  not  infrequent. 

The  expense  of  establishing  schools,  even  under  ordinary  circum- 
stances, falls  heavily  upon  the  tax-payers.  Under  the  demoralized 
economic  circumstances  of  the  period,  it  was  felt  with  crushing 
effect.  The  machinery  had  been  borrowed  from  older,  richer,  and 
more  populous  states,  and  was  consequently  too  expensive  for 
Mississippi.  The  six  county  directors  drew  a  per  diem  of  three  dol- 
lars, and  mileage  at  ten  cents  a  mile;  the  circuit  clerk  drew  a  per 
diem  of  three  dollars  for  acting  as  secretary  of  the  board  of  directors; 
the  superintendent  drew  a  per  diem  of  five  dollars ;  and  the  boards 
of  supervisors,  to  whom  the  directors  had  to  report  their  estimate 
of  the  levy  for  schools,  drew  six  dollars  and  mileage  for  each  of 
their  six  members.  This  complicated  machinery  was  not  only 
expensive  but  unnecessary.  It  cost  the  state  during  the  second 
year,  $100,000,  of  which  the  state  superintendent  says  $50,000 
was  "absolutely  thrown  away."  ^^ 

Superintendent  Pease  recognized  ^^  at  the  close  of  the  first  year 
that  the  cost  of  the  schools  was  far  exceeding  his  expectations. 
The  chief  fault  was  with  the  machinery  for  local  administration. 
"The  experience  of  the  last  twelve  months,"  says  he,  "shows  that 
notwithstanding  we  have  succeeded  in  establishing  a  large  number 
of  schools,  the  work  has  been  accomplished  at  the  expense  of  an 
enormous  and  unnecessary  outlay  of  labor  and  money."  The  zeal 
of  the  local  officers  in  founding  schools,  in  building  school  houses, 
and  in  levying  taxes  for  maintenance,  carried  them  to  an  extreme 
which  staggered  even  the  Reconstruction  leaders.  Governor  Powers 
in  1873  urged  2^  that  the  school  funds  be  spent  mainly  for  teachers, 
and  that  less  be  spent  on  "costly  houses,  expensive  boards  of  man- 
agers, and  elaborate  outfits." 

"  House  Journal,  1873,  p.  729. 
'"Superintendent's  Report,  1871,  p.  16. 
*i  Senate  Journal,  1873,  p.  11. 


34  Public  Schools  in  Mississippi 

The  following  figures  from  the  report  of  the  state  superintendent ^^ 
will  give  an  idea  of  the  accomplishment  and  cost  of  the  first  year's 
work : 


bchoolhouses  built  tor  whites 

230 

Schoolhouses  built  for  Negroes 

252 

Sites  purchased 

128 

Sites  donated 

177 

Cost  of  school  sites 

$33,921 

Cost  of  school  buildings 

157,374 

Rent  of  schoolhouses 

25,601 

Contingent  expenses,  fuel,  etc. 

20,731 

School  furniture 

34,861 

Apparatus 

5406 

School  books 

14,481 

Average  monthly  salary  of  teachers 

58.90 

Salaries  of  county  superintendents 

35,072 

Total  salaries  of  teachers 

624,233 

Total  cost  of  boards  of  directors 

58,000 

The  number  of  schools  put  into  operation  the  first  year  was  3,450, 
and  the  value  of  school  property  was  estimated  at  $800,000.23  'pj^^ 
number  of  sites  that  were  purchased  cost  on  the  average  about 
$265;  and  the  houses  erected  on  these  sites  cost  on  the  average 
$325.  The  number  of  buildings  erected  for  Negroes  was  slightly 
more  than  the  number  erected  for  whites.  Expenditures,  as  a 
whole,  were  not  excessive  as  figures  run  to-day,  but  considering  the 
impoverished  condition  of  the  country  at  that  time,  they  fell  rather 
heavily. 

As  we  have  seen,  schoolhouses  had  to  be  built  and  furnished  and 
teachers  had  to  be  paid  from  the  local  revenue.  It  is  true  that 
there  was  a  state  school  fund  of  $1,950,000,  but  it  existed  only  in 
name,  and  the  schools  received  no  benefit  from  it.^"*  The  raising  of 
the  state  tax  levy  from  one  mill  in  1869  to  five  mills  in  1870,  while 
not  for  the  benefit  of  the  schools,  increased  the  sum  total  of  the 
taxes,  and  tended  to  augment  discontent  with  the  whole  system  of 
taxation.    To  make  matters  worse,  a  law  was  passed  which  changed 

22  Superintendent's  Report,  1871,  Statistics. 

23  This  estimate  is  probably  excessive. 
2*  Superintendent's  Report,  1871. 


Education  During  the  Reconstruction  35 

the  date  for  the  collection  of  taxes.  The  levy  for  the  past  year,  due 
in  April,  was  suspended  till  July.  The  new  levy  was  made  to  fall 
due  in  December.^^  This  made  two  levies  fall  due  within  six  months. 
And  to  cap  the  climax,  the  cotton  crop  of  1870  was  a  failure,  and 
there  was  nothing  with  which  to  pay. 

The  expense  of  establishing  Negro  schools  was  heavy.  Although 
the  Freedmen's  Bureau  had  left  a  slight  equipment,  it  was  by  no 
means  adequate.  The  log  cabin  had  been  considered  good  enough  for 
the  Negro's  home  and  church  before  the  war,  but  the  northern  enthu- 
siasts were  now  insisting  that  frame  school  buildings  be  constructed 
and  equipped  with  patented  desks  and  other  modern  furnishings. 
The  Gazette  complains  ^^  of  the  lavish  expenditures  for  "fine  walnut 
desks,  cane  seat  chairs,  elegant  settles,"  etc.,  and  adds  this  inter- 
esting datum:  "In  all  the  history  of  this  community  the  school 
children  have  supplied  each  for  himself  his  own  desk,  chair,  etc., 
and  they  have  been  of  such  styles  as  could  be  furnished  from  the 
household  goods.  The  white  schools  of  the  town  [Raymond]  and 
vicinity  are  thus  furnished  now."  The  southern  whites  generally 
viewed  the  purchase  of  fine  furniture  with  suspicion  and  alarm.^^ 

Cause  for  additional  expense  was  provided  in  the  fact  that  there 
were  no  colored  teachers.  For  the  860  schools  for  Negroes  in  1871 
there  were  400  Negro  teachers.  White  teachers  had  to  be  secured 
for  over  half  of  these  schools.  Southern  whites  did  not  take  to 
the  profession  in  numbers  sufficient  to  man  the  Negro  schools.^* 
Hence,  northern  teachers  had  to  be  imported,  and  since  a  term  of 
four  months  with  low  salaries  would  not  furnish  remuneration  suf- 
ficient to  attract  this  class  of  teachers,  the  monthly  salaries  had  to 
be  raised.  The  average  monthly  salary  for  1871  was  $58.90.  There 
is  no  record  that  teachers  of  Negro  schools  for  this  period  received 
less  than  teachers  of  white  schools. 

The  local  officials  had  little  sympathy  with  the  tax-payer  strug- 
gling with  the  new  economic  situation.  They  launched  at  once 
upon  the  installation  of  the  school  system  with  little  regard  to 
costs.  It  is  estimated  that  the  cost  of  the  schools  of  Chickasaw 
County  for  1 871,  if  the  Reconstructionists  had  been  permitted  to 

^  United  States  Congress:  Report  of  Committee  on  Affairs  in  Southern  States,  p.  373. 
2«  Hinds  County  Gazette,  February  i,  1871. 

2^  United  States  Congress:  Report  of  Committee  on  Affairs  in  Southern  States,  1872. 
'8  See  page  16. 


36  Public  Schools  in  Mississippi 

carry  out  their  program,  would  have  amounted  to  $120,000  for 
teachers  and  $100,000  for  schoolhouses.^^  In  Lowndes  County, 
where  the  Negro  children  outnumbered  the  white  children  four  to 
one,  sixty  public  schools  were  opened  and  teachers  were  employed  at 
salaries  ranging  from  $50  to  $150  per  month,  the  average  being  $78.^'* 
A  special  tax  of  $95,000  was  levied  by  the  supervisors,  but  upon  pro- 
test this  was  cut  to  half  the  amount.    These  examples  are  typical. 

It  is  quite  natural  that  charges  of  fraud  and  corruption  would 
be  brought  by  the  tax-payers,  since  they  had  no  hand  in  making 
the  levies.  In  many  cases  these  charges  were  well  founded.  Mr. 
James  Sykes,  a  prominent  citizen  of  Lowndes  County,  testified  ^^ 
before  the  'ku  klux'  investigating  committee  that  a  tax  of  $3,800 
was  levied  upon  the  sub-district  in  which  he  lived,  to  support  two 
schools.  Upon  investigation,  he  found  that  the  county  had  been 
charged  with  $360  for  rent,  fuel,  and  repairs  on  an  old  church  which 
he  had  built  for  his  Negroes  before  the  war,  and  for  which  no  rent 
had  been  charged,  and  no  repairs  made.  In  Washington  County, 
J.  P.  Ball,  a  mulatto  photographer  from  Cincinnati,  was  chairman 
of  the  board  of  supervisors,  and  his  son  was  clerk  of  the  school 
board.^^  Young  Ball  was  in  1873  voted  $1,700  for  stationery. 
Seven  hundred  dollars  was  voted  for  a  schoolhouse  at  Leota  which 
was  never  erected.  McNeily,  whose  article  in  the  Publications  of 
the  Mississippi  Historical  Society  is  in  part  a  primary  source,  states: 
"All  over  the  state  the  robbery  through  the  school  system  was 
especially  rank."  In  1871,  the  Brandon  Republicans^  declared, 
"The  manner  in  which  the  School  Boards  of  some  counties  are  swin- 
dling the  people,  is  enough  to  drive  them  mad  .     .     ." 

The  arbitrary  demands  of  the  Reconstructionists  were  no  sooner 
felt  than  there  sprang  up  violent  opposition  to  the  school  system. 
In  the  eastern  counties  of  the  state  this  opposition  found  expression 
in  *ku  klux'  raids  in  which  schoolhouses  were  burned  and  obnoxious 
teachers  driven  from  the  country.  Both  majority  and  minority 
reports  of  the  committee  of  Congress  which  investigated  these  out- 

29  United  States  Congress:  Report  of  Committee  on  Affairs  in  Southern  States,  1872, 

p.  377. 
»<•  Ibid.,  1872,  Minority  Report. 
31  Ibid.,  1872. 

'2  Publications  of  Mississippi  Historical  Society,  Vol.  IX,  p.  150. 
83  Hinds  County  Gazette,  March  22,  1871,  quoted. 


Education  During  the  Reconstruction  37 

rages,  while  differing  in  point  of  view,  gave  as  the  unmistakable 
cause  of  the  trouble,  hostility  to  the  school  system.  This  hostility 
was,  in  the  main,  due  to  the  excessive  tax  levies  which  had  been  laid 
upon  the  people.  The  majority  report  emphasized  also  the  fact 
that  there  was  "hostility  to  all  free  schools,  and  especially  to  free 
schools  for  colored  children." ^^  Both  intimate  that  there  was  oppo- 
sition to  colored  schools  and  northern  emissaries. 

Upon  reading  the  reports  of  the  'ku  klux'  investigating  committee, 
one  is  forced  to  the  conclusion  that  no  one  of  the  causes  mentioned, 
except  that  of  the  heavy  tax  levy,  was  sufficient  to  provoke  an  out- 
break. This  is  perfectly  clear  in  the  testimony  of  the  two  chief 
witnesses.  Colonel  H.  P.  Huggins  and  Charles  Baskerville.  Opposi- 
tion to  the  schools  on  the  ground  that  they  were  instructing  Negroes 
and  instilling  in  them  doctrines  of  social  equality,  is  given  as 
a  clearly  incidental  cause.  Garner  makes ^^  the  pertinent  observa- 
tion that  since  both  white  and  colored  schools  were  burned  and 
closed,  and  since  both  ex-Union  and  ex-Confederate  teachers  were 
victims,  opposition  was  directed  not  against  the  public  school  system 
per  se,  but  against  its  abuses. 

The  'ku  klux*  outrages  seem  to  have  been  confined  to  the  eastern 
counties  of  the  state,  so  far  as  they  affected  the  school  system  in 
1870-1871.  Superintendent  Huggins  of  Monroe  County  was 
whipped,  chiefly  on  the  charge  that  he  was  the  'instrument'  for 
collecting  the  taxes.  Two  school  directors  of  the  same  county,  who 
had  voted  to  levy  the  tax,  were  warned  to  resign,  and  did  so.  The 
teachers  of  twenty-six  schools  on  the  east  side  of  the  Tombigbee 
River  were  similarly  forced  to  close  their  schools.  Cornelius  McBride, 
teacher  of  a  Negro  school  in  Chickasaw  County,  was  whipped  on 
the  charge  that  he  was  teaching  one  of  the  expensive  schools  main- 
tained by  the  Radicals.  All  the  schoolhouses  in  Winston  County 
were  burned  in  March,  1871,  and  all  the  churches  in  which  Negro 
schools  were  being  maintained.^^  Outrages  were  reported  from 
Monroe,  Noxubee,  Chickasaw,  Winston,  and  Pontotoc  Counties. 

There  were  doubtless  outrages  in  other  parts  of  the  state,  but 
they  cannot  be  definitely  traced  to  the  'ku  klux'.  For  instance, 
three  colored  schoolhouses  in  Hinds  County  were  burned  in  the 

»*  United  States  Congress:  Report  of  Committee  on  Affairs  in  Southern  States,  p.  73. 
35  Garner:  Reconstruction  in  Mississippi,  p.  360. 
^^Mississippi  Educational  Journal,  March,  1871,  p.  131. 


38  Public  Schools  in  Mississippi 

spring  of  1 87 1,  but  it  is  not  recorded  that  the  'ku  klux'  had  anything 
to  do  with  the  burning.^^ 

The  chief  ground  for  opposition  to  the  school  system  was  not 
the  education  of  the  Negro,  as  many  people  think,  but  the  cost  of 
maintaining  an  expensive  system  at  a  time  when  the  southern  people 
were  least  able  to  support  it.  This  fact,  combined  with  the  fact 
that  the  tax-payers  were  deprived  of  the  right  to  say  what  expendi- 
tures should  be  made,  caused  widespread  discontent.  The  Hinds 
County  Gazette  (i 870-1 871)  repeatedly  referred  to  the  'school  ring', 
composed  of  Lynch,  Pease,  and  the  county  superintendents,  as  an 
organization  to  defraud  the  people.  This  paper  declared  itself  in 
favor  of  universal  education  and  popular  taxation,  but  strenuously 
objected  to  the  abuses  of  the  administration  under  the  Recon- 
structionists.^^ 

A  forecast  of  this  form  of  opposition  may  be  found  in  a  joint 
protest  of  six  state  senators  against  the  Public  School  Bill  in  1870. 
This  protest  was  directed  against  a  system  of  taxation  so  burden- 
some "as  to  excite  in  their  [the  people's]  minds  a  strong  prejudice 
against  the  establishment  of  public  schools." ^^  Mayes  says  that 
the  school  system  was  regarded  as  a  system  of  taxation  without 
representation,  "imposed  by  adventurers  and  plunderers  rather 
for  the  purpose  of  riveting  their  fetters  on  the  people  of  the  state, 
than  for  any  humanitarian  purpose."^'' 

We  must,  however,  credit  some  of  the  state  officers  of  the  Recon- 
struction period  with  honest  intentions.  Alcorn  ^^  was  from  the 
first  opposed  to  an  expensive  outlay  for  schools ;  Pease  ^^  discov- 
ered the  error  in  the  organization  of  the  local  machinery  at  the 
close  of  the  first  year,  and  got  a  bill  to  remedy  the  situation  reported 
favorably  in  the  House  in  1871 ;  Powers, ^^  when  he  became  governor 
in  1873,  advised  against  heavy  taxation  for  buildings  and  furniture. 
The  fault  seems  to  have  lain  largely  with  the  local  administration. 

»'  Mississippi  Educational  Journal,  p.  88. 

'8  Hinds  County  Gazette,  February  22,  187 1. 

3'  Senate  Journal,  1870,  p.  445. 

^0  Memoirs  of  Mississippi,  Vol.  II,  p.  338  (Goodspeed's  edition). 

^^  House  Journal,  Appendix,  1870,  pp.  12-20;  Mississippi  Educational  Journal,  March, 

1871. 
*2  House  Journal,  1873,  p.  715. 
<3  Senate  Journal,  1873,  p.  n. 


Education  During  the  Reconstruction 


39 


II.  A  vigorous  campaign  for  the  establishment  of  schools  was 
launched  by  State  Superintendent  Pease  and  his  co-laborers  as 
soon  as  the  school  bill  was  approved  in  July,  1870.  The  state 
superintendent  was  undoubtedly  a  capable  and  energetic  worker. 
The  schools  established  were  classified  as  primary,  grammar,  high, 
and  mixed-grade  schools.  (See  Table  I)  The  mixed-grade  school 
was  the  institution  that  best  served  the  needs  of  the  rural  commu- 

TABLE  I 

ENROLMENT  AND  ATTENDANCE  IN  WHITE  AND  COLORED 
SCHOOLS,  1 870-1 87 1 


{Compiled  from  Report  of  State  Superintendent,  1871) 

WHITE 

COLORED 

Schools 

Enrolment 

Schools 

Enrolment 

Primary  schools 
Grammar  schools 
High  schools 
Mixed  grade  schools 
Total 

535 

400 

78 

729 

1,739" 

18,312 
14,423 
5,045 
24,577 
66,257  « 

603 
51 

4 
202 
860  « 

26,303 

2,641 

640 

12,370 

45,429" 

nities;  the  primary  school  was  practically  all  that  was  needed  for 
Negroes  at  this  stage  of  their  educational  progress.  Only  four  high 
schools  were  established  for  Negroes,  and  only  a  third  as  many 
mixed-grade  colored  schools  as  primary.  No  effort  to  mingle  :rfie 
races  in  the  schools  seems  to  have  been  made.  Only  two  mixed 
schools  were  reported  this  year,  or  ever  after. 

It  will  be  observed  from  a  study  of  Table  II  that  the  number  of 
educable  colored  children  in  1871  outnumbered  the  educable 
whites  nearly  7,000.  The  white  schools  enrolled  a  larger  proportion 
than  did  the  colored,  but  the  average  daily  attendance  of  the  Negroes 
was  greater  than  that  of  the  whites. 

**  The  author  is  not  responsible  for  errors  in  the  computing  of  totals.  The  corrected 
totals  for  the  above  are:  White  schools,  1,742;  enrolment,  62,357.  Colored  enrol- 
ment, 41,954. 


40 


Public  Schools  in  Mississippi 


By  1872  the  opposition  to  public  schools  had  to  some  extent  sim- 
mered down.  Superintendent  Pease  reported  to  the  United  States 
Commissioner  in  this  year  that  public  sentiment  had  undergone  a 
"most  marvelous  revolution."  ^^  The  'ku  klux'  activities  of  the  previ- 
ous year  died  out  completely.  There  were  still  a  few  who  opposed 
the  general  principle  of  taxation  for  public  schools.     These  "fossil 

TABLE  II 

SCHOOL  POPULATION,  ENROLMENT,  AND  AVERAGE 
ATTENDANCE,  1870-1871 


{Compiled  from  Report  of  State  Superintendent,  1 870-1 871) 


White 


Colored 


Children,  five  to  twenty-one  years 

Enrolled  in  schools 

Per  cent,  of  children  enrolled 

Average  attendance 

Per  cent,  of  those  enrolled  in  average  attendance 


120,073 

126,769 

66,257 

45,429 

55-2  ^« 

35.9*^ 

45,290 

36,040 

744  *« 

79.3« 

theorists,"  as  Mr.  Pease  called  them,  objected  especially  to  paying 
taxes  for  the  support  of  Negro  schools.**^ 

As  for  the  Negroes,  they  were  heartily  in  favor  of  heavy  taxes 
for  schools.  The  Superintendent  argued  that  they,  as  the  indus- 
trial class,  received  indirectly  the  burden  of  taxation,  and  conse- 
quently should  have  the  deciding  voice  in  determining  what  tax, 
and  how  much,  should  be  levied.  It  is  needless  to  say  that  there 
were  few,  if  any  southern  tax-payers,  who  could  follow  this  line 
of  reasoning. 

If  the  voices  of  criticism  raised  against  the  school  system  had 
subsided  as  much  as  the  state  superintendent  says  they  had,  we 
may  imagine  that  the  silence  was,  to  say  the  least,  grim.  The 
financial  condition  of  the  state  had  gone  from  bad  to  worse.    Mis- 

*5  Computed  by  the  author. 

46  United  States  Commissioner's  Report,  1872,  p.  197. 

*7  Ibid.,  1873,  p.  213. 


Education  During  the  Reconstruction  41 

management  and  extravagance  in  the  Reconstruction  government 
continued  until  the  state  was  on  the  verge  of  bankruptcy  long  before 
1875.  In  two  years,  from  1870  to  1872,  the  indebtedness  of  the 
state  more  than  doubled.'*^  Lack  of  credit  abroad  began  at  once 
to  be  felt.  State  funds  were  invested  in  state  warrants  which  were 
forced  upon  the  people  as  the  medium  of  circulation.  Speculation 
in  these  by  state  officials  caused  them  rapidly  to  depreciate  in 
value."*^  The  assessed  valuation  of  real  property  decreased  from 
$118,000,000  in  1870  to  $109,000,000  in  1874;  personal  property 
decreased  in  value  from  $59,000,000  to  $47,000,000  during  the  same 
period.  By  1876,  real  property  had  fallen  to  $95,097,450,  and  per- 
sonal property  to  $35,000,000.^® 

The  perilous  condition  of  the  finances  of  the  state  was  repeatedly 
pointed  out,  but  the  policy  of  extravagance  was  continued.  Heavy 
taxes  were  levied  to  meet  the  heavy  expenditures  of  the  state's 
governmental  machinery.  The  state  tax  levy  rose  from  one  mill 
in  1869  to  fourteen  mills  in  1874.^^  County  tax  levies  were  piled 
upon  this.  In  one  county  in  1874  the  total  tax  levy  amounted  to 
twenty-three  and  two-tenths  mills.  Such  levies  were  confiscatory. 
This  astounding  statement  comes  from  the  auditor  of  public  accounts 
in  1874:^2 

The  state  now  holds  not  less  than  4,500,000  acres  of  land  forfeited  for 
taxes.  In  addition  to  this,  the  several  Levee  Boards  in  the  Levee  Districts, 
hold  1,500,000  acres  more,  on  which  the  state  tax  was  suspended.  This 
makes  an  aggregate  of  6,000,000  acres,  or  one-fifth  of  the  entire  area  of  the 
state. 

The  school  fund  suffered  in  common  with  other  state  funds. 
During  the  five  years  from  1870  to  1874,  there  were  placed  to  the 
credit  of  the  school  fund  $1,057,929,  and  disbursed  only  $342,052.^ 
This  should  have  left  a  balance  to  the  credit  of  the  fund  of  $715,877. 
According  to  the  constitution,  this  money  should  have  been  invested 
in  United  States  bonds,  but  instead,  it  had  been  invested  in  state 
warrants  which  had  been  cancelled.^   From  this  large  sum,  only 

"  Report  of  State  Treasurer,  1872,  p.  4. 

"  Ibid.,  1873.  p.  5- 

'°  State  Auditor's  Report,  1876,  p.  v. 

"  Garner:  Reconstruction  in  Mississippi,  p.  323,  (table). 

"Auditor  of  Public  Accounts,  1874,  p.  7. 

w  Report  of  State  Treasurer,  1874,  Statement  E. 

^*  Auditor  of  Public  Accounts,  1874,  p.  6. 


42 


Public  Schools  in  Mississippi 


$66,617  was  invested  as  had  been  directed.  When  the  southern 
people  again  took  charge  of  the  government  there  was  left  in  the 
treasury  to  the  credit  of  the  school  fund  a  balance  of  $60,920.21. 
This  amount  was  increased  by  the  addition  of  $104,009.60  from  fines, 
forfeitures,  and  licenses,  permitted  by  the  laws  of  1876,  making  a 
total  of  $164,935.87,  or  fifty-two  cents  for  each  educable  child.^ 
These  figures  are  sufficient  to  indicate  the  deplorable  condition  of 
school  funds  during  the  Reconstruction  era. 

The  expensive  program  of  organization,  begun  in  1871,  was  car- 
ried on  more  extravagantly  the  next  year.  The  following  table, 
compiled  from  the  reports  of  the  state  superintendent  for  these 
years,  gives  an  idea  of  the  cost  of  organization. 


1871 

1872 

1874 

Buildings  and  repairs 

^157,347 

$176,917 

135,059 

Mileage  and  per  diem  of  directors 

58,ooo(est.) 

70,000 

Salaries  of  county  superintendents 

35,072 

46,000 

Total  cost  of  county  officers 

93,07268 

145,000 

Total  salaries  of  teachers 

624,233 

584,536 

737,548 

Average  monthly  salaries  of  teachers 

58.90 

51.32 

Total  costs 

950,000 

976,553 

842,603 

During  the  second  year  432  additional  schoolhouses  were  built; 
the  total  number  of  schools  increased  from  3,450  to  4,650  (thirty- 
five  per  cent.),  and  the  number  of  teachers  increased  from  3,193  to 
4,800  (fifty  per  cent.).  As  is  evident  from  the  figures  in  the  table,  the 
boards  of  directors  furnished  one  of  the  heaviest  items  of  expense.  The 
complaints  of  the  tax-payers  were  both  loud  and  deep.  The  gov- 
ernor and  the  state  superintendent  exerted  themselves  to  find  a 
remedy  for  the  situation.^^ 

The  local  machinery,  in  addition  to  being  expensive,  was  far  from 
harmonious.  The  duties  of  the  directors  conflicted  with  those  of  the 
county  superintendent.^^  "Efforts  to  avoid  too  much  centralization 

^^  Auditor  of  Public  Accounts,  1876,  p.  v. 

66  Computed  from  second  and  third  items  above. 

67  The  superintendent  had  had  his  measure  reported  favorably  by  the  House  Committee 

on  Education  in  1872.    See  also  Message  of  Governor  Powers,  January  21,  1873. 

68  United  States  Commissioner's  Report,  1873,  p.  213. 


Education  During  the  Reconstruction  43 

resulted  in  the  opposite  extreme."  Superintendent  Pease  declared 
that  a  sweeping  reorganization  of  the  system  was  necessary  in  order 
to  make  it  fit  the  conditions  of  the  time.  At  the  meeting  of  the 
legislature  in  1873  the  reorganization  was  accomplished.^^ 

1 .  The  county  boards  of  directors  were  done  away  with,  and  their 
powers  were  placed  largely  in  the  hands  of  the  boards  of  supervisors. 

2.  The  powers  of  the  county  superintendent  were  extended;  he 
was  required  to  visit  schools  and  to  devote  his  whole  time  to  the 
office.  He  received  in  compensation  for  his  services  a  fixed  salary 
instead  of  a  per  diem}^ 

3.  The  plan  of  taxation  was  changed.  The  teachers'  fund,  which 
had  been  levied  by  the  counties,  was  made  a  state  tax.  The  amount 
of  the  levy  was  fixed  at  four  mills,  and  the  fund  was  to  be  distributed 
to  the  counties  in  proportion  to  the  number  of  educable  children. 

4.  Local  trustees  were  to  be  elected  by  a  mass  meeting  of  the 
patrons  of  the  school  district.  They  were  given  power  to  hire 
teachers,  to  look  after  the  building,  and  to  arbitrate  between  pupils 
and  teacher. 

5.  Schools  were  to  be  classified  as  First  Grade  and  Second  Grade 
by  the  county  superintendent.  The  monthly  salaries  of  teachers  of 
the  second-grade  schools  were  to  be  not  less  than  $35  nor  more  than 
$60.  Teachers  of  first-grade  schools  were  to  receive  not  less  than 
$60,  nor  more  than  $75,  except  in  the  case  of  principals  of  schools 
of  three  or  more  teachers. 

The  Curriculum.  The  Reconstructionists  were  firmly  of  the  opin- 
ion that  the  abolition  of  illiteracy  was  the  only  sure  road  to  a 
strong  and  healthy  body  politic.  Hence  the  means  adopted  for  the 
improvement  of  the  social  status  of  the  'poor  white'  and  Negro  races 
was  the  generally  accepted  traditional  curriculum  of  the  day.  The 
'common  English  branches'  formed  the  basis  of  the  course.  In  the 
higher  schools,  rhetoric,  Latin,  astronomy,  and  algebra  were  the 
chief  studies.^^ 

The  only  thing  regarding  the  curriculum  that  can  be  learned 
from  the  law  creating  the  public  school  system,  is  that  the  Bible 

"  Acts  of  1873,  Chap.  I. 

*o  This  salary  varied  from  $300  per  annum  in  Greene  County  to  |i,8oo  in  Hinds  and 

Warren.  The  next  legislature  found  it  necessary  to  cut  this  schedule  considerably. 
"  Since  there  has  been  almost  no  public  education  of  secondary  grade  for  Negroes  in 

Mississippi,  the  elementary  curriculum  alone  will  be  examined  here. 


44  Public  Schools  in  Mississippi 

should  not  be  excluded  from  the  schools. ^^  ^Yhe  same  provision 
was  retained  when  the  laws  were  recodified  by  the  southern  whites 
in  1878. 

According  to  the  Acts  of  1873^^  second-grade  schools  should 
teach  orthography,  reading,  penmanship,  English  grammar,  geog- 
raphy, and  the  rudiments  of  arithmetic;  and  first-grade  schools,  in 
addition  to  the  foregoing  subjects,  should  teach  United  States  his- 
tory and  English  composition.  Despite  the  law  requiring  counties 
to  adopt  uniform  texts,  a  large  variety  of  text-books  found  their 
way  into  the  schools.  Superintendent  Cardoza  in  1875  reported  ^^ 
an  interesting  list  of  the  books  being  used  in  one  of  the  counties. 
It  may  well  be  given  in  full : 

Spellers — Webster's,  Union,  and  Holmes'. 
Readers — Wilson's,  McGuffey's,  Sanders',  and  Holmes'. 
Geographies — Mitchell's,  Murray's,  and  Monteith's. 
Histories — Anderson's,  Quackenbos',  Goodrich's,  and  Holmes'. 
Grammars — Smith's,  Butler's,  Kerl's,  Ingraham's,  and  Pinnee's. 
Arithmetics — Davies',  Robinson's,  and  Venable's. 

Several  of  these  texts  continued  in  use  until  well  along  into  the 
nineties.  There  were  frequent  complaints  and  numerous  changes. 
Anderson's  History  in  particular  was  a  mark  for  criticism.®^  It  was 
claimed  that  this  book  gave  the  northern  version  of  the  cause  of 
the  Civil  War,  and  that  the  white  children  were  being  taught  to 
turn  against  the  principles  of  their  fathers. 

Public  oral  examination  of  the  pupils  by  citizens  of  the  community 
was  a  feature  of  the  day  in  both  white  and  colored  schools.  A 
'Conservative'  writing  of  one  such  examination  at  the  colored  school 
at  Dry  Grove,  gives  the  following  account  :^^ 

The  exercises  began  with  the  singing  of  a  hymn  by  the  children,  followed 
by  the  reading  of  a  chapter  from  the  Bible,  and  prayer  by  a  colored  preacher. 
Several  of  the  white  neighbors  were  present,  and  two  of  them  conducted  the 
examination  by  invitation  of  the  head  of  the  school.  The  children  were 
'put  through'  a  course  of  spelling,  in  which  the  competition  was  very  inter- 
esting and  exciting  to  the  spectators.    They  were  examined  on  the  elements 

62  Laws  of  1870,  Chap.  I,  Section  50. 
w  Acts  of  1873,  Chap.  I,  Section  22. 
fi"*  Report  of  Superintendent,  1875,  p.  5. 

65  Hinds  County  Gazette,  March  22,  1871,  quotes  the  Senatobia  Times. 

66  Ibid.,  July  5.  1876. 


Education  During  the  Reconstruction  45 

of  arithmetic,  and  geography.    The  result  of  the  examination  was  a  pleasant 
surprise  to  all  present. 

The  southern  people  were  suspicious  of  northern  teachers,  par- 
ticularly those  who  were  employed  in  Negro  schools.  These  teachers 
were  frequently  charged  with  teaching  the  Negroes  false  political 
creeds,  and  doctrines  of  social  equality."  Such  charges  were  fre- 
quent when  the  schools  were  first  being  organized.  The  Gazette 
humorously  reported  also  the  rumor  that  the  Hinds  County  super- 
intendent would  require  all  children  to  use  the  'Yankee  intonation*.®^ 

State  Superintendent  Gathright,  upon  assuming  the  duties  of 
his  office,  immediately  after  the  carpet-bag  government  had  been 
dethroned,  issued  a  circular  to  county  superintendents,  giving  the 
views  of  the  new  administration  on  the  subject  of  Negro  education.®^ 
With  respect  to  the  aims  to  be  accomplished  he  said: 

Impress  your  teachers  with  the  duty  of  instructing  the  colored  children  in 
the  obligations  they  owe  to  society,  and  the  responsibility  imposed  upon  each 
individual  of  the  community  to  maintain  good  morals  and  good  order. 

We  find  here  expressed,  in  part,  the  end  to  be  accomplished  in 
Negro  schools  as  seen  from  the  standpoint  of  a  representative 
southern  white  man.  I  do  not  think  the  Reconstructionists  would 
have  expressed  it  differently,  and  possibly  the  means  employed  to 
accomplish  social  improvement  under  both  regimes  differed  very 
little.  I  imagine  that  teachers  under  the  new  administration  con- 
tinued using  the  same  texts  and  teaching  morals  as  they  had 
learned  them  from  their  fathers,  the  political  point  of  view  in  each 
case  making  very  little  difference. 

Cardoza's  Administration.  Thomas  W.  Cardoza,  a  Negro  already 
under  indictment  for  embezzlement,  succeeded  Superintendent 
Pease  as  head  of  the  school  system  in  1873.  In  the  several  reports 
issued  during  the  period  of  his  incumbency  he  called  attention  to 
the  growing  sentiment  in  favor  of  public  schools.  These  reports, 
however,  abound  with  references  to  disturbances  in  the  school  sys- 
tem. The  revised  school  code  had  met  in  some  degree  the  protests 
against  the  expensive  machinery  of  administration,  but  it  had  bred 
a  multitude  of  ills  that  had  not  been  foreseen.     Boards  of  super- 

«7  Hinds  County  Gazette,  March  15,  1871,  quotes  the  Jackson  Clarion. 

"8  Ibid.,  June  26,  1871. 

«'  The  Brookhaven  Ledger,  May  4,  1876. 


46  Public  Schools  in  Mississippi 

visors,  into  whose  hands  had  fallen  a  large  share  of  the  duties 
formerly  assigned  to  the  boards  of  directors,  sometimes  refused  to 
levy  taxes  for  the  salary  of  the  county  superintendents  and  for 
school  purposes.^''  Sometimes  they  assumed  the  duty  of  selecting 
texts.  Local  trustees  insisted  upon  appointing  teachers,  and  fur- 
nished "endless  turmoil"  in  other  ways.^^  County  superintendents 
were  thwarted  in  their  efforts  to  administer  the  affairs  in  their 
counties;  besides  the  pay  in  some  counties  was  so  small  that 
properly  equipped  men  could  not  be  secured  for  the  place;  a  bill 
carrying  some  Republican  following  was  introduced  in  the  Senate 
in  1875,  which  proposed  to  abolish  the  office  al together. ^^  f^is 
restlessness  and  discontent  was  a  forecast  of  the  gathering  storm 
which  was  soon  to  sweep  the  Republicans  out  of  power. 

The  superintendent's  plan  to  meet  these  disorders  lay  in  greater 
centralization.  He  opposed  efforts  of  the  legislature  to  make  the 
office  of  county  superintendent  elective. ^^  Instead,  he  favored  ex- 
tending the  powers  of  superintendents,  so  as  to  allow  them  to  appoint 
teachers  and  select  texts.  In  1874,  he  proposed  a  system  of  dis- 
trict superintendents  to  take  the  place  of  county  superintendents 
in  sparsely  settled  sections  of  the  state,  which  officers  should  have 
supervision  over  areas  larger  than  the  county. '^^ 

In  this  connection  it  might  be  well  to  mention  certain  efforts 
that  were  being  made  to  have  a  compulsory  education  law  passed. 
Superintendent  Pease  had  devoted  sixteen  pages  of  his  report  in 
1872  to  a  discussion  of  what  he  called  "obligatory  education."  ^^ 
He  began  his  discussion  with  the  statement  that  out  of  400,000 
educable  children  in  the  state,  only  200,000  were  in  the  schools.  It 
is  hard  to  determine  from  his  treatment  of  the  subject  whether  the 
children  out  of  school  belonged  to  aristocratic,  poor  white,  or  Negro 
families,  but  he  seems  to  have  had  reference  mainly  to  the  poor 
white  children. 

Governor  Adelbert  Ames  in  1874  recommended  that  compulsory 
education  be  studied  with  a  view  to  legislative  action. '^^    Cardoza 

'°  Superintendent's  Report,  1876,  p.  28. 

71  Ibid.,  1874,  p.  9. 

72  Weekly  Pilot,  January  i6,  1875. 

73  Superintendent's  Report,  1874,  p.  6. 

'*  United  States  Commissioner's  Report,  1874,  p.  229. 

75  House  Journal,  1873,  p.  740. 

76  Inaugural  Address,  1874. 


Education  During  the  Reconstruction  47 

also  favored  the  suggestion.  In  fact,  the  Reconstructionists  seem 
to  have  been  fairly  of  one  mind  on  the  subject.  The  Weekly  Pilot,'''^ 
their  chief  political  organ,  declared  in  favor  of  it.  John  R.  Lynch 
in  a  speech  in  Congress,  endorsing  the  Civil  Rights  Bill,  argued  in 
favor  of  the  compulsory  education  clause.  ''^ 

"  Weekly  Pilot,  March  6,  1875. 
^8  Ibid.,  February  20,  1875. 


CHAPTER  V 

EDUCATION  UNDER  SOUTHERN  RULE 

1876-1886 

Overturning  the  Republican  Government.  In  the  elections  of  the 
fall  of  1875,  the  Democrats  secured  control  of  the  legislature  and 
in  the  spring  of  the  next  year  they  proceeded  to  overturn  the  entire 
Republican  regime.  On  February  11,  1876,  impeachment  charges 
were  preferred  against  State  Superintendent  Cardoza  and  other  state 
officials,^  including  Governor  Ames.  Cardoza  was  charged  among 
other  things  with  having  violated  his  oath  when  he  assumed  office 
under  indictment  for  embezzlement,  and  with  having  misappro- 
priated funds  belonging  to  the  normal  department  of  Tougaloo  Uni- 
versity. Rather  than  face  the  charges  Cardoza  resigned  from  office, 
March  22, 1876.  On  April  4,  Governor  Stone  appointed  Thomas  S. 
Gathright,  a  southern  private  schoolmaster,  to  fill  the  vacancy. 

The  Reconstruction  government  left  the  finances  of  the  state  in 
a  pitiable  condition.^  The  treasury  had  been  drained,  the  country 
had  been  flooded  with  state  securities  worth  scarcely  fifty  cents  on 
the  dollar,  and  the  credit  abroad  had  been  sadly  impaired.  A  policy 
of  rigid  economy  and  retrenchment  had  to  be  adopted.  The  school 
laws,  passed  by  the  legislature  of  1876,  had  in  view  the  curtailment 
of  expenses.  They  certainly  did  not  have  in  view  the  wrecking  of 
the  public  school  system  and  the  abandonment  of  Negro  education. 
Yet,  as  a  result  of  these  laws,  the  efficiency  of  the  system  was  greatly 
reduced.  The  salaries  of  county  superintendents  were  cut  to  a 
jfifth  of  the  schedule  adopted  in  1874;^  and  the  salaries  of  teachers 
were  fixed  at  figures  considerably  lower  than  they  had  been.*  Teach- 
ers in  schools  with  an  average  daily  attendance  of  twenty-five  or 
more  pupils  were  to  receive  a  maximum  of  $45  a  month;   teachers 

1  Mississippi  Impeachment  Trials.     The  caption  of  the  present  chapter  was  adopted 

in  order  to  draw  a  sharp  distinction  between  the  Reconstruction  government  and 
the  new  government  which  was  more  truly  representative  of  the  southern  population. 

2  See  page  41- 

3  Laws  of  Mississippi,  1876,  Chap.  CXIII,  Section  i. 
*  Ibid.,  Section  2. 


Education  Under  Southern  Rule,  1876- 1886  49 

in  schools  with  a  smaller  average  attendance  were  to  receive  a  maxi- 
mum of  eight  cents  per  day  for  each  pupil  in  actual  attendance.  It 
was  specifically  stated  that  state  and  county  school  funds  should 
be  used  for  no  purposes  other  than  the  salaries  of  teachers  and 
county  superintendents.^  No  fund  was  provided  for  the  building 
of  schoolhouses.  Every  school  in  the  county  was  to  have  equal 
claim  upon  the  school  funds  so  far  as  they  went.^  This  provision 
effectually  prevented  any  effort  that  might  be  made  to  run  the 
white  schools  for  longer  terms  and  with  higher  salaried  teachers 
than  were  provided  for  the  Negro  schools. 

The  school  bill  was  one  of  the  most  important  measures  that  came 
before  the  legislature  at  this  meeting.  The  Democratic  press  seems 
to  have  endorsed  the  action  which  was  taken.  The  Gazette  stated 
that  compromises  had  to  be  made  in  order  to  get  the  bill  passed, 
but  that  it  insured  a  better  and  cheaper  school  system,  and  "perfect 
equality  of  privileges  and  rights  as  between  the  races."  ^  The  Re- 
publicans, however,  declared  that  the  Democrats  had  destroyed 
the  schools.^ 

Abundant  proof  that  the  Democrats  did  not  have  in  mind  the 
destruction  of  the  school  system  is  furnished  in  the  statement  of 
the  Democratic  leader,  General  J.  Z.  George,  issued  in  an  open 
letter  in  September,  1876.^    He  said: 

If  there  is  any  one  thing  which  the  Democrats  and  Conservatives  of  this 
state  are  more  determined  to  carry  out  than  another,  it  is  to  provide  the 
means  of  educating  every  child  in  the  state,  of  whatever  race  or  color.  The 
people  of  Mississippi  have  suffered  enough  already  from  ignorance  and  its 
consequences,  blind  prejudices  in  governmental  affairs,  and  they  will  not 
refuse  to  use  any  means  in  their  power  to  remove  them. 

In  this  connection  we  might  quote  Governor  Stone's  sentiment, 
as  expressed  in  his  inaugural  address,  1877:^° 

Our  prosperity  and  greatness  as  a  state,  and  happiness  as  a  people,  depend 
upon  free  and  liberal  education  of  the  youth  of  both  races. 

Superintendent  Gathright  laid  a  vigorous  hand  upon  the  duties 
of  his  office.    On  April  25  he  sent  out  a  circular  of  instructions  to 

5  Laws  of  Mississippi,  Chap.  CXIII,  Section  3. 
« Ibid.,  Section  5. 

7  Hinds  County  Gazette,  February  22,  1876;  April  26. 

8  Ibid.,  October  18,  1876. 
» Ibid. 

"  Message,  1877,  p.  11. 


50  Public  Schools  in  Mississippi 

the  county  superintendents. ^^  These  officers  were  Republican 
appointees.  He  told  them  candidly  that  he  would  act  upon  their 
resignations  in  case  they  did  not  care  to  perform  the  duties  of  their 
office  on  the  new  salary  schedule.  He  explained  that  the  cut  in  the 
salaries  of  superintendents  and  teachers  was  necessary.  He  bade 
them  to  be  rigid  in  the  examination  of  teachers,  and  to  insist  that 
teachers  devote  at  least  six  hours  a  day  to  school  duties.  In  respect 
to  the  education  of  the  Negro  he  expressed  himself  in  no  uncertain 
terms : 

The  state  superintendent  is  impressed  with  the  conviction  that  our  high- 
est duty  to  the  state,  to  humanity,  and  to  posterity  lies  in  this  field.  Be 
careful  about  the  teachers  you  certify  to  these  people.  They  should  have  good 
teachers  and  good  teaching.  It  would  be  very  gratifying  to  see  our  young 
men  and  young  women,  who  have  been  well  raised  and  carefully  educated, 
and  who  are  seeking  employment,  give  themselves  to  work,  the  rewards  of 
which  will  be  the  same  in  money  as  in  the  white  schools,  with  the  additional 
compensation  of  contributing  to  the  calls  of  a  pure  philanthropy. 

The  future  of  this  country  depends  largely  upon  the  future  of  the  colored 
population,  and  the  common  schools  are,  and  must  be,  the  means  of  their 
elevation  as  they  are  the  hope  of  this  people.  Impress  your  teachers  with 
the  duty  of  instructing  the  colored  children  in  the  obligations  they  owe  to 
society,  and  the  responsibility  imposed  upon  each  individual  of  the  com- 
munity to  maintain  good  morals  and  good  order. 

Mr.  Gathright  did  not  remain  in  office  long  enough  to  carry  out 
the  program  which  he  outlined.  In  the  summer  of  the  same  year 
in  which  he  received  his  appointment,  he  was  called  to  the  presi- 
dency of  the  Texas  Agricultural  and  Mechanical  College. ^^  He  was 
succeeded  by  Dr.  Joseph  Bardwell  (September  i,  1876),  a  "gentle- 
man of  intelligence  and  refinement,  peculiarly  fitted  for  the  posi- 
tion." ^^ 

The  laws  of  1876  badly  crippled  the  school  system,  yet  they  did 
much  to  place  it  upon  a  cash  basis.  State  warrants  which  had  for- 
merly been  issued  to  teachers,  now  rose  from  below  fifty  cents  on 
the  dollar  almost  to  par  value. ^^  The  loss  in  efficiency  caused  by 
reducing  the  salaries  of  county  superintendents  was  felt  at  once. 

"  The  Brookhaven  Ledger,  May  4,  1876. 
"  Weekly  Clarion,  April  3.  1878. 
"  Message  of  Governor  Stone,  1877. 
"  Governor's  Message,  January  8,  1878. 


Education  Under  Southern  Ride,  1 8/6-1 886  51 

The  next  year,  Superintendent  Bardwell  recommended  that  these 
salaries  be  increased,  and  that  the  superintendents  be  required  to 
visit  and  inspect  the  schools. ^^  He  further  recommended  that  the 
salaries  of  teachers  be  based  upon  the  grade  of  certificate — the  plan 
used  by  the  Reconstructionists — in  order  that  first-grade  teachers 
might  earn  more  than  the  legal  maximum  of  $45  a  month.  The  next 
legislature,  however,  seems  to  have  taken  no  cognizance  of  these 
recommendations  except  to  permit  ten  'black  counties'  to  pay  the 
teachers  in  schools  with  enrolments  less  than  twenty-five,  a  monthly 
salary  of  $40. ^^ 

Opposition  to  the  school  system  seems  almost  to  have  died  out 
by  this  time.  Superintendent  Bardwell  reported  to  the  United 
States  Commissioner  of  Education  in  1876  that  the  disorders  which 
had  attended  the  establishment  of  the  school  system  had  passed 
away,  and  that  "the  benefit  of  an  educated  rather  than  an  ignorant 
laboring  class  is  now  realized." ^^  Governor  Stone  was  able  to  say  in 
1878:  "In  no  section  of  the  state  is  there  any  opposition  to  the  edu- 
cation of  the  youth  of  both  races."  ^^  The  State  Teachers'  Associa- 
tion in  1877  adopted  a  resolution  of  the  Committee  on  Higher  Edu- 
cation,^^ which  had  in  view  the  organization  of  public  high  schools 
for  the  white  race,  and  the  articulation  of  these  institutions  with  the 
elementary  schools  and  the  state  university.  The  committee  recom- 
mended also  that  similar  schools  be  established  for  the  Negroes,  as 
soon  as  they  were  prepared  for  them.  The  fact  that  four  of  the 
thirty-four  members  of  the  association  were  Negroes  seems  to  indi- 
cate harmony  between  the  races  with  respect  to  educational  in- 
terests. 

During  the  period  of  readjustment  the  Negro  schools  were  the 
chief  sufiferers.  The  number  of  educable  children,  between  the  years 
1876  and  1877,  showed  a  decrease  for  the  white  race  of  20,000, 
and  for  the  colored  race  a  decrease  of  10,000.  This  decrease  was 
probably  due  to  a  faulty  method  of  taking  the  school  census,  and 
should  cause  us  to  make  large  reservations  in  the  consideration  of 
other  statistics  for  this  year.    The  number  of  children  enrolled  in 

^5  United  States  Commissioner's  Report,  1876-1877,  p.  xxvii. 

"  Laws  of  1877.  Chap.  LXXXV. 

1^  United  States  Commissioner's  Report,  1875-1876,  p.  222. 

'8  Governor's  Message,  January,  1878. 

19  Proceedings,  State  Teachers*  Association,  1877. 


52  Public  Schools  in  Mississippi 

the  white  schools  showed  a  substantial  increase,  but  the  number  in 
colored  schools  showed  a  decrease  from  90,178  to  76,154,  a  loss  of 
fifteen  per  cent,  in  one  year.  At  the  same  time,  the  average  monthly 
enrolment  in  colored  schools  showed  a  decrease  from  68,580  to 
44,627,  or  nearly  thirty  per  cent.;  the  number  of  teachers  in  these 
schools  dropped  from  2,109  to  1,459,  almost  thirty  per  cent.  The 
returns  for  1876  represent  only  sixty-five  counties,  ten  failing  to 
report,  but  the  comparison  here  made — with  due  reservation  for 
faulty  methods  of  computing  statistics — indicates  that  the  Negro 
schools  were  greatly  demoralized  by  the  return  to  power  of  the 
southern  whites. ^^  This  may  be  accounted  for  by  the  fact  that 
many  northern  teachers  left  the  state  at  this  time,  leaving  many 
schools  without  teachers. 

The  statistics  indicate  a  return  to  something  like  normal  condi- 
tion in  1878.  It  took  the  Negro  schools,  however,  until  1879  to 
get  back  to  the  status  of  1875  with  respect  to  the  number  of  teach- 
ers. From  this  date  until  1886,  statistics  for  white  and  colored 
schools  moved  in  parallel  lines. 

The  Revision  of  the  School  Code,  1878.  The  changes  made  in  the 
laws  in  1876  were  emergency  measures  designed  chiefly  to  curtail 
the  expenditures  of  the  school  system.  They  furnished  a  heroic 
remedy,  but  possibly  the  best  that  could  be  administered  under  the 
circumstances.  As  the  laws  now  stood  there  were  many  conflicts, 
and  a  recodification  was  much  needed.  The  object  of  the  revision 
suggested  in  1878  was  to  collect  and  codify,  rather  than  to  amend, 
the  school  statutes.^^ 

On  January  21,  1878,  Representative  H.  A.  Moody,  of  Panola, 
introduced  House  Bill  No.  177,^^  which  with  a  few  modifications 
became  a  law  on  March  5.  During  the  discussion  in  the  House  there 
is  nothing  recorded  that  indicates  that  the  legislature  was  not  as 
zealous  for  the  interests  of  the  Negroes  as  for  the  interests  of  the 
white  race. 

The  new  law  preserved  in  all  essential  features  the  organization 
of  the  school  system  bequeathed  by  the  Reconstructionists.  The 
duties  of  the  school  officers  were  enumerated  in  detail.  The  county 
superintendency  was  continued   as   an   appointive   office,   and   a 

20  See  statistical  tables,  p.  139. 

21  Weekly  Clarion,  February  20,  1878. 

22  House  Journal,  1878. 


Education  Under  Southern  Rule,  1876-1886  53 

new  salary  schedule  set  the  office  upon  a  more  secure  basis.  The 
remuneration  offered,  however,  was  not  sufficient  to  support  a  man 
devoting  his  whole  time  to  it.^^  The  smallness  of  the  salary  did  not 
stand  in  the  way  of  the  enumeration  of  the  duties  of  the  office  to 
the  twenty-second  item. 

Other  interesting  features  of  the  school  laws  were  as  follows  i^'* 

1.  Towns  of  1,000  inhabitants  might  be  organized  into  separate  districts. 

2.  No  two  schools  of  the  same  color  were  to  be  located  nearer  together 
than  two  and  one-half  miles,  unless  there  was  an  impassable  barrier  between 
them. 

3.  In  case  the  state  school  fund  did  not  amount  to  $200,000  a  year,  the 
legislature  authorized  the  appropriation  of  a  sum  sufficient  to  bring  the  fund 
up  to  this  amount. 

4.  A  school  term  of  five  months  was  authorized,  provided  that  the  county 
tax  levy  to  support  this  did  not  exceed  $7.50  per  $1,000.  A  four-month  term 
was  mandatory  in  all  counties,  but  there  was  no  provision  made  in  the  case 
of  counties  in  which  the  maximum  tax  levy  would  not  support  the  schools  for 
this  length  of  time. 

5.  By  specifying  the  duties  of  all  officers  in  detail,  overlapping  of  authority 
was  avoided.    For  instance,  supervisors  could  no  longer  select  texts. 

6.  Counties  were  forbidden  to  levy  taxes  for  schoolhouses. 

Two  points  are  especially  interesting  from  the  standpoint  of 
Negro  education.  First,  separate  schools  for  the  races  were  now 
required  by  law.  Second,  no  loophole  was  left  whereby  county 
officials  might  discriminate  against  the  Negro  by  giving  a  shorter 
term. 2^ 

A  provision  which  militated  against  Negro  education  was  the 
new  plan  of  determining  the  salaries  of  teachers.  It  will  be  recalled 
that  the  Reconstruction  legislature  in  1873  had  adopted  the  plan 
of  paying  teachers  according  to  the  grade  of  certificate  which  they 
held.  The  Democratic  legislature  in  1876  changed  this  and  based 
the  pay  of  teachers  on  the  average  daily  attendance  of  the  schools 
in  which  they  taught.  The  new  law  combined  the  two  plans.  First- 
grade  teachers  were  to  be  paid  eight  cents  a  day  for  each  pupil  in 
schools  of  an  average  attendance  of  twenty- five  or  more;  second- 
grade  teachers  were  to  be  paid  six  and  a  half  cents  for  each  pupil 

23  The  following  yearly  salaries  are  illustrative:   Adams  County,  $600;    Hinds,  I400; 

Washington,  I3S0;   Greene  and  Wayne,  $45;  Pearl,  I40. 
2*  Laws  of  1878,  Chap.  XIV,  p.  89. 
"  Laws  of  1878,  Chap.  XIV.  Section  35. 


54  Public  Schools  in  Mississippi 

in  schools  of  this  class;  and  third-grade  teachers  were  to  receive 
only  five  cents  a  pupil.  An  elaborate  schedule  was  worked  out  on 
this  plan. 

Such  a  scheme  seems  at  first  entirely  equitable.  The  possibility 
for  discrimination  against  the  Negro  was  offered,  however,  in  the 
fact  that  county  superintendents  were  permitted  to  examine  teach- 
ers and  award  certificates.  Under  these  conditions  a  superinten- 
dent with  a  small  fund  to  distribute,  or  one  prejudiced  against  the 
education  of  the  Negro,  might  award  to  Negro  teachers  certificates 
based  rather  on  the  amount  he  wished  to  pay  them  than  on  the 
fitness  of  the  teacher. 

The  Burden  of  Supporting  the  School  System.  The  burden  of 
supporting  the  school  system  grew  increasingly  heavy.  Complaints 
were  loud  and  deep.^^  The  salaries  of  teachers  were  cut  in  order  to 
maintain  the  mandatory  term  of  four  months.^^  Mississippi,  in 
common  with  her  sister  states  of  the  South,  was  now  going  through 
a  period  of  unprecedented  depression.  The  value  of  realty  actually 
decreased  ^^  from  $95,000,000  in  1876  to  $88,500,000  in  1886,  a 
loss  of  $6,500,000;  the  value  of  personal  property  increased  from 
$35»700.ooo  to  $40,700,000,  a  gain  of  only  $5,000,000  in  ten  years. 
The  commonwealth  was  therefore  poorer  than  when  the  Reconstruc- 
tionists  left  the  state. 

The  school  fund  in  1886,  including  moneys  received  from  fines, 
licenses,  and  forfeitures,  amounted  to  but  $335,551 .23.  As  the  value 
of  property  steadily  declined,  the  demands  of  the  schools  steadily 
increased.  During  the  eight  years  between  1876  and  1884  the  school 
population  increased  about  twenty-five  per  cent.,  if  we  may  rely 
upon  the  only  figures  we  have,  which  are  approximately  correct. 
Further,  the  enrolment  in  schools  increased  from  205,378  in  1878 
to  282,733  in  1886,  or  about  35  per  cent. 

The  following  excerpt  from  the  Report  of  the  United  States 
Commissioner  gives  an  idea  of  the  weight  Mississippi  was  bearing  i^^ 

Mississippi  with  a  population  of  1,131,597,  the  school  age  being  five  to 
twenty-one,  reports  $3.65  per  capita  on  average  attendance;  New  Jersey, 
population  being  1,131,116,  school  age  being  five  to  eighteen,  reports  $15.14 
per  capita  on  average  attendance. 

26  Hinds  County  Gazette,  January  21,  1878. 

27  Proceedings,  Mississippi  Teachers  Association,  1883. 

28  State  Auditor's  Reports,  1876,  1886. 

29  United  States  Commissioner's  Report,  1 883-1 884,  p.  Ix. 


Education  Under  Southern  Rule,  i8^6-j886  55 

Little  as  this  appears  to  be,  the  state  could  do  no  more. 

Such  was  the  condition  in  this  and  other  southern  states  when 
a  committee  of  the  Peabody  trustees  memorialized  Congress  to  give 
national  aid  toward  the  education  of  the  Negro  in  these  states.^^ 
Business  depression,  the  burden  of  illiteracy,  and  the  slow  recovery 
of  the  state  from  the  devastation  of  war  and  reconstruction,  it  was 
declared,  made  even  small  tax  levies  exceedingly  onerous. 

Was  there  a  tendency  of  the  ruling  class  to  take  for  themselves 
a  larger  share  of  the  school  funds  than  in  equity  fell  to  their  lot? 
We  have  seen  that  the  laws  of  1878  did  not  permit  discrimination 
against  the  Negro  in  respect  to  the  length  of  the  school  term.  There 
was,  however,  a  loophole  for  discrimination  in  respect  to  the  salaries 
of  teachers.  For  the  decade  1876  to  1886  the  reports  of  the  state 
superintendent  make  no  distinction  between  the  salaries  of  white 
and  colored  teachers,  so  statistics  throw  no  light  on  the  subject. 

The  narrative  reports  of  the  county  superintendents  furnish  only 
slight  evidence  that  discrimination  was  even  desired.  The  superin- 
tendent of  De  Soto  County  admitted  ^^  that  a  few  citizens  in  that 
county  opposed  the  teaching  of  Negro  institutes  on  the  ground  that 
the  teachers  would  thereby  be  improved,  and  would  thus  have  to 
be  awarded  higher  certificates  and  larger  salaries.  That  the  opposi- 
tion was  not  pronounced  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  the  same  superin- 
tendent was  teaching  a  Negro  institute  two  months  in  the  year. 

The  superintendent  of  Warren  County  explained  the  situation 
in  his  county  as  follows  :^^ 

There  are  about  ten  Negro  children  to  one  white  going  to  school  in  the 
county,  while  in  the  city  (Vicksburg)  there  is  little  difference  in  the  number. 
The  proportion  of  taxes  paid  by  the  white  and  colored  citizens  of  the  city 
and  county,  is  as  eight  to  one,  about.  I  am  in  favor  of  dividing  the  school 
funds  equally  among  the  races.  We  receive  from  all  sources  $11,000  for 
school  purposes;  to  divide  this  so  that  a  fund  of  $5,000  should  be  for  the 
white  children,  and  the  same  amount  for  the  colored,  would  give  the  former 
six  or  eight  months'  schooling,  and  the  latter  two  months. 

These  bits  of  evidence  show  that  the  burden  of  supporting 
schools  for  Negroes  was  beginning  to  make  the  tax-payers  restive. 
The  increasing  popularity  of  the  public  schools  for  the  whites,  and 

30  Proceedings,  Peabody  Fund,  vol.  ii,  p.  270. 

'1  Superintendent's  Report,  1882-1883,  Narrative  Report  of  De  Soto  County. 

^^  Ibid.,  1 8 84- 1 88 5,  Narrative  Report  of  Warren  County. 


56  Public  Schools  in  Mississippi 

the  consequent  demand  for  funds  to  bring  them  to  a  higher  state 
of  efficiency,  probably  contributed  to  this  spirit. 

The  Efficiency  of  the  System.  The  first  decade  after  the  return 
to  southern  rule  is  characterized  by  growing  popularity  of  the 
public  school  system,  indicated  by  the  rapid  increase  in  the  enrol- 
ment and  average  attendance  in  the  schools,  and  by  the  increase 
in  the  number  of  teachers  and  the  number  of  schools.^^  The  progress 
of  schools  for  both  races  is  almost  parallel.  This  rapid  growth, 
however,  is  marked  by  a  very  low  degree  of  efficiency.  The  length 
of  term  for  country  schools  averaged  less  than  seventy-eight  days, 
and  for  town  schools,  about  one  hundred  and  fifty-five  days.  A 
four-months'  session  was  divided  into  two  terms,  one  of  which  was 
taught  in  the  winter,  and  the  other  in  mid-summer.^^  The  school 
law  required  that  no  two  schools  of  the  same  color  should  be  estab- 
lished nearer  together  than  two  and  one-half  miles,  yet,  notwith- 
standing this,  a  larger  number  of  schools  were  established  than 
could  be  supported  by  the  available  funds. ^^  Counties  had  to  go 
into  debt  to  meet  their  obligations  and  were  forced  to  ask  the 
legislature  to  pass  local  relief  acts. 

The  efficiency  of  the  county  superintendents  was  of  a  very  low 
order.  Few  received  a  salary  higher  than  $300  a  year  in  1885; 
the  maximum  annual  salary  was  $1,000  in  Adams  County,  and  the 
minimum  was  $60  in  Jones  and  Quitman.^®  They  were  of  course 
permitted  to  pursue  other  vocations  in  addition  to  performing  the 
duties  of  their  office.  Important  duties  were  by  law  entrusted  to 
these  officers,  but  it  was  not  expected  that  they  devote  more  than 
a  small  part  of  their  time  to  them.  State  Superintendent  Smith  had 
repeatedly  recommended  to  the  legislature  that  the  salary  schedule 
be  raised,  but  no  substantial  increase  was  made.  There  was  conse- 
quently no  supervision,  and  little  inspection  worthy  of  the  name." 
The  certification  of  teachers  was  lax,  and  often  certificates  were 
granted  to  any  teacher  who  needed  a  place.  In  consequence 
of  laxity  and  neglect,  Negro  schools  suffered  in  common  with  the 
white. 

33  See  statistical  tables,  p.  139;  also  Peabody  Reports,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  162. 

3*  Report  of  Superintendent,  1886-1887,  p.  5. 

35  Ihid.,  1886-1887  p.  13. 

86 /Wd.,  1884-1885,  Statistics. 

^"^  Ibid.,  1886-1887,  p.  i;  Proceedings,  Mississippi  Teachers'  Association,  1883. 


Education  Under  Southern  Rule,  1876-1886  57 

The  Teaching  Body.  In  1879  five  teachers'  institutes  were  held 
in  the  state,  aided  by  a  contribution  of  $1,000  from  the  Peabody 
Fund.  The  Peabody  Board  continued  to  aid  these  institutes  until 
1884,  when,  on  account  of  the  repudiation  by  the  state  of  the  Plan- 
ters* Bank  bonds,  the  contribution  was  withdrawn. ^^  The  low 
requirements  for  certification,  and  the  laxity  of  county  superinten- 
dents, had  not  made  for  a  very  high  degree  of  efficiency  in  teachers. 
The  superintendent  in  1887  thus  summarized  the  situation: 

Nearly  6,000  teachers  are  employed  annually,  and  it  is  safe  to  say  that 
less  than  1,000  of  these  have  had  any  professional  training.  One  thousand 
more  come  yearly  into  the  schools  without  one  day's  experience;  while  fully 
one-third  of  the  corps  are  using  the  vocation  as  a  temporary  means  of  a  liveli- 
hood, or  a  stepping-stone  to  a  more  remunerative  occupation.^ 

There  was  no  normal  school  for  whites,  and  the  chair  of  pedagogy 
was  not  established  in  the  university  till  some  years  later.  White 
teachers  could  secure  professional  training  only  by  leaving  the 
state  or  by  availing  themselves  of  the  meager  provisions  of  the  in- 
stitutes. It  is  true  that  a  few  scholarships  were  provided  at  George 
Peabody  College,  but  these  were  revoked  in  1884. 

Negro  teachers  were  much  better  provided  for.  The  Normal  De- 
partment of  Tougaloo  University,  maintained  by  the  state  since 
1872,  was  turning  out  a  very  high  grade  of  teacher,  but  the  disagree- 

'8  In  George  Peabody's  first  bequest  were  included  bonds  of  the  state  of  Mississippi, 
issued  to  the  Planters'  Bank  before  the  war.  Mr.  Peabody  estimated  that  the  value 
of  these  bonds  on  the  date  of  the  bequest  was  eleven  hundred  thousand  dollars. 
Their  validity  had  been  confirmed  by  the  legislature  and  the  supreme  court  of  the 
state.  The  trustees  sent  a  memorial  to  the  Reconstruction  legislature,  requesting 
payment  of  bonds  and  interest.  No  response  of  any  sort  was  received  (vol.  i,  pp. 
274,  279).  The  finance  committee  of  the  trustees  had  the  matter  continuously  in 
their  hands  from  1871  to  1873,  but  no  aggressive  action  was  taken  other  than  what 
has  been  mentioned.  Mr.  T.  S,  Manning  was  authorized  in  188 1  to  take  the  matter 
up  with  the  state  authorities,  and  press  for  the  payment.  He  was,  however,  assured 
by  Governor  Stone  that  a  constitutional  amendment,  passed  in  1876,  prohibited 
the  settlement  of  the  indebtedness.  Notwithstanding  this  answer,  Judge  Manning 
presented  the  matter  to  the  legislature  the  next  year.  His  memorial  was  referred 
to  the  Judiciary  Committee,  "where  it  slept."  In  1884  he  informed  the  trustees  that 
there  was  not  the  slightest  chance  that  the  state  would  recognize  its  obligation, 
and  recommended  that  Mississippi  be  stricken  from  the  list  of  beneficiaries  of  the 
Peabody  Fund.  Up  to  this  date  the  state  had  received  nearly  $70,000  from  the 
fund.  The  state  was  unanimously  restored  to  the  right  to  participate  in  the  benefits 
of  the  trust,  October,  1892. 

39  Superintendent's  Report,  1886-1887,  p.  i. 


58  Public  Schools  in  Mississippi 

ment  of  the  trustees  of  the  normal  department  with  representa- 
tives of  the  American  Missionary  Association  which  controlled  the 
university,  caused  the  legislature  of  1879  to  withhold  its  appropria- 
tion for  two  years. ^°  The  misunderstanding  was  soon  adjusted  and 
the  state  continued  its  support.  The  enrolment  in  the  university 
for  1 884-1 885  was  219.  The  normal  department  was  conducted 
by  a  principal  and  two  assistants.  The  curriculum  was  composed 
largely  of  secondary  school  subjects.  There  were  also  a  theological 
department  and  industrial  departments  of  the  university .^^ 

The  State  Normal  School  at  Holly  Springs  was  established  by  an 
act  of  the  legislature,  July  20,  1870,  for  the  training  of  colored 
teachers.  The  Reconstruction  government  had  appropriated  from 
$4,500  to  $5,000  a  year  for  maintenance.  The  southern  govern- 
ment continued  the  yearly  appropriation  but  cut  it  down  to  $3,000. 
The  high -water  mark  in  the  enrolment  was  reached  in  1880,  when 
220  students  were  registered.  The  average  enrolment  for  the  period 
with  which  we  are  dealing,  lay  somewhere  between  125  and  150. 
Up  to  1887  the  course  embraced  four  years.  Theory  and  practice, 
music,  and  the  traditional  secondary  subjects  seem  to  have  formed 
the  basis  of  the  curriculum. "^^ 

In  addition  to  these  institutions  may  be  mentioned  Alcorn 
Agricultural  and  Mechanical  College  for  Negroes.  Of  Alcorn,  as 
an  institution  for  the  training  of  teachers,  Governor  Lowry  in  1884 
has  this  to  say:^^ 

Most  of  the  students  who  are  sufficiently  advanced,  engage  in  teaching 
when  they  leave  college,  and  one-fourth  of  those  in  attendance  now  have 
taught  at  different  times  in  the  public  schools.  The  college  is  practically  a 
normal  school  for  the  education  of  colored  teachers,  though  agriculture  is 
taught  with  some  success,  except  that  few  students  ever  engage  seriously  in 
farming.    Nearly  all  educated  negroes  are  inclined  to  teaching. 

Alcorn  College  had  had  a  very  irregular  and  almost  tempestuous 
career  since  its  establishment  in  1871.  Bad  management  and 
political  interference  lay  at  the  bottom  of  the  troubles.    Throughout 

^"Report  of  Superintendent,  1880,  p.  13;   Governor's  Message,  1880,  p.  17. 

^1 1  shall  not  attempt  a  detailed  history  of  the  normal  schools  of  Mississippi.     Mayes, 

in  his  History  of  Education  in  Mississippi,  has  covered  the  ground  with  a  fair  degree 

of  thoroughness. 
^2  Mayes:  History  of  Education  in  Mississippi. 
^3  Governor's  Message,  1884,  p.  ii. 


Education  Under  Southern  Rule,  1876-1886  59 

its  history,  up  to  this  time,  the  attendance  had  been  broken  and 
irregular,  few  pupils  remaining  through  the  entire  session.  The 
yearly  enrolment  was  about  125.  The  statute  which  reorganized 
Alcorn  in  1878  provided  for  an  institution  where  the  colored  youth 
"might  acquire  a  common  school  education  and  a  scientific  and 
practical  knowledge  of  agriculture,"  etc. 

These  three  institutions  were  training  a  considerable  number  of 
teachers  during  the  period.  It  must  be  remembered,  however,  that 
their  contribution  was  relatively  small;  further,  that  they  had  to 
draw  their  patronage  from  the  pupils  in  country  schools  where 
meager  advantages  were  provided,  and,  consequently,  that  their 
curricula  had  to  be  kept  within  reach  of  the  public  schools.  These 
were  practically  the  only  public  secondary  schools  for  Negroes.  In 
conclusion,  we  may  say  that  the  level  of  the  teaching  profession, 
so  far  as  colored  schools  were  concerned,  was  necessarily  low. 

The  Curriculum.  At  a  meeting  of  the  State  Teachers'  Association 
in  1877  a  committee  on  higher  education  presented  a  two-page 
report  suggesting  a  system  of  secondary  schools  which  would  con- 
nect the  elementary  schools  with  the  university.^  The  last  para- 
graph of  this  report  reveals  the  attitude  of  the  representative 
southern  white  teachers  with  respect  to  the  ideal  of  an  educational 
'ladder'  for  the  colored  race: 

What  has  been  said  in  regard  to  the  provision  for  white  children  coming 
up  through  the  line  of  common  schools,  high  schools,  and  a  great  university, 
should  be  applied  as  soon  as  they  are  prepared  for  it,  to  a  similar  line  of 
progress  for  colored  children. 

The  legislature  in  1878  established  a  system  of  secondary  schools 
in  accordance  with  the  foregoing  recommendation  by  permitting 
students  in  certain  specially  qualified  academies  to  draw  a  pro  rata 
of  the  state  funds  from  their  county  treasuries.^^  This  provision 
probably  applied  only  in  the  case  of  white  students.  It  was  later 
declared  unconstitutional. 

In  the  revision  of  the  school  laws  in  1878  the  curriculum  was  not 
specified.  In  later  years,  the  subjects  required  for  teacher's  ex- 
amination constituted  the  curriculum,  so  it  may  safely  be  inferred 
that,  at  this  date,  although  not  stated  by  law,  these  were  the 

**  Proceedings,  State  Teachers'  Association,  1877. 
«  Laws  of  1878,  Chap.  XX. 


6o 


Public  Schools  in  Mississippi 


subjects  taught  in  the  schools.    The  requirements  for  examination 
were  as  follows  :^^ 


FIRST  GRADE 

Higher  branches  of  English 

Literature 
Natural  Philosophy 
Elements  of  Bookkeeping 
"All  studies  usually  taught 

in  the  common  schools" 


SECOND  GRADE 

Intermediate 
Arithmetic 
Geography 
Grammar 
Spelling 
Reading 
Writing 


THIRD  GRADE 

Elementary 

Arithmetic 
Spelling 
Reading 
Writing 


The  State  Teachers'  Association  in  1882  recommended^^  that 
elementary  algebra,  composition  and  rhetoric,  and  the  history  and 
practice  of  teaching  be  substituted  for  natural  philosophy  and  the 
"higher  branches  of  English  literature,"  as  subjects  required  for 
examination.  The  legislature,  however,  seems  to  have  taken  no 
cognizance  of  the  matter  until  1886.  We  may  infer  that  the  sub- 
jects listed  constituted,  in  the  main,  the  course  of  study  in  the 
public  schools. 

There  was  a  statute  requiring  each  county  to  adopt  uniform  texts, 
but  since  there  was  no  penalty  attached,  it  was  but  indifferently 
observed.  Many  of  the  old-time  texts  doubtless  continued  in  use. 
Webster's  "Blue-back  Speller,"  used  in  1873,  was  still  in  use  in  1886. 

For  the  most  part,  we  may  say  the  curriculum  was  formal,  par- 
ticularly so  in  the  elementary  school.  In  the  upper  grades,  natural 
philosophy,  bookkeeping,  and  literature  show  a  tendency  toward 
content  subjects,  but  in  Negro  public  schools  it  is  doubtful  if  these 
subjects  were  reached  by  any  except  a  few  of  the  most  persistent 
pupils. 


«  Laws  of  1878,  Chap.  XIV,  Section  27. 

*'  Report  of  Superintendent,  1 882-1 883,  p.  4. 


CHAPTER  VI 

THE  DEVELOPMENT  OF  THE  PUBLIC  SCHOOL 
SYSTEM  SINCE  1886 

In  the  four  succeeding  chapters  I  shall  undertake  to  trace  the 
development  of  the  public  school  system  since  1886.  These  four 
chapters  might  well  be  included  under  the  caption  of  the  present 
chapter,  but  for  the  fact  that  it  is  necessary  to  give  a  rather  elaborate 
treatment  of  the  status  of  the  teaching  body,  the  distribution  of  the 
state  school  fund,  and  the  curriculum.  It  has  seemed  best,  there- 
fore, to  treat  these  topics  in  separate  chapters. 

The  growing  popularity  of  the  public  schools  in  the  decade  just 
preceding  this  date  gave  rise,  as  we  have  seen,  to  the  establishment 
of  a  large  number  of  schools  and  to  the  enrolment  of  an  increasingly 
large  number  of  pupils.  But  the  schools,  being  left  in  most  instances 
to  the  care  of  ignorant,  bickering,  and  jealous  local  trustees,  and 
having  virtually  no  supervision  from  the  county  or  state,  pro- 
vided but  meager  opportunities  for  proper  instruction.  Beginning 
with  1886,  definite  efforts  were  made  by  the  state  department  to 
provide  some  form  of  supervision,  to  improve  the  status  of  the 
teaching  body,  and  to  provide  adequate  buildings.  Yet,  for  at 
least  fourteen  years,  because  of  the  actual  poverty  of  the  state,  very 
little  progress  was  made  along  these  lines.  Not  until  1900  does  a 
period  of  real  progress  begin. 

For  convenient  treatment  the  quarter  century  embraced  between 
the  years  1886  and  1910  falls  happily  into  two  periods — first,  the 
fourteen  years  of  slow  and  almost  imperceptible  progress  from 
1886  to  1900;  and  second,  the  period  of  remarkable  growth  and 
prosperity  embracing  the  last  decade  of  our  study. 

The  Reforms  of  1886.  As  we  have  seen,  the  demand  for  public 
school  education  had  grown  greatly  during  the  ten  years  preceding 
1886,  and  the  machinery  of  administration  was  now  entirely  inade- 
quate for  doing  efficient  service.  In  1886,  J.  R.  Preston  became  state 
superintendent.  He  succeeded  in  inducing  the  legislature  to  enact 
a  number  of  sweeping  reforms. 


62  Public  Schools  in  Mississippi 

Lack  of  supervision  was  declared  to  be  one  of  the  chief  defects 
of  the  school  system.^  The  county  superintendency,  which  had 
existed  since  Reconstruction  days  on  a  salary  basis  insufficient  to 
secure  more  than  nominal  service,  was  now  placed  on  firmer  ground 
by  the  adoption  of  a  new  salary  schedule.^  The  salary  of  the  office 
was  fixed  at  three  per  cent,  of  the  total  school  funds  received 
annually  by  the  county,  provided  that  no  county  pay  more  than 
$600  a  year  or  less  than  $150.  The  minimum  limit  certainly 
worked  for  the  advantage  of  the  schools  in  counties  where  only 
forty  and  sixty  dollars  had  been  paid.  In  return  for  this  increase 
in  the  emoluments  of  his  office,  the  superintendent  was  required  to 
visit  and  inspect  the  schools,  and  to  spend  the  first  three  Saturdays 
of  each  month  conducting  institutes  for  teachers  in  various  centers 
in  the  county.^  Each  race  was  to  have  separate  institutes  and  each 
was  to  receive  an  equal  share  of  the  institute  days. 

Another  defect  was  remedied  by  the  new  law  in  the  making  of  the 
school  term  of  four  months  continuous.  Heretofore,  it  had  been  a 
frequent  practice  in  certain  parts  of  the  state  to  run  the  schools 
two  months  in  the  winter  and  two  months  in  mid-summer.'*  The 
evil  of  the  plan  is  apparent.  The  new  law  permitted  the  local 
trustees  to  determine  whether  the  district  school  should  be  taught 
during  the  winter  months  or  the  summer  months,  but  required 
that  the  term  be  continuous.  County  superintendents  were  divided 
on  the  question  whether  winter  or  summer  was  the  better  season  in 
which  to  operate  the  schools.^  Poor  schoolhouses,  bad  roads,  thin 
clothing  of  pupils  were  arguments  in  favor  of  summer  schools. 

The  Re-districting  Law  was  another  step  toward  remedying  a 
defective  system.  Up  to  this  time  the  county  had  been  the  unit  of 
local  organization,  but  the  trustees  of  the  sub-districts  seem  to 
have  controlled  the  schools,  so  far  as  anybody  controlled  them.  The 
new  law  made  the  district  the  unit  of  local  organization,  but  left 
powers  of  general  supervision,  and  the  fixing  of  limits  of  school 
districts  with  the  county  board  and  the  county  superintendent. 

The  trouble  heretofore  had  been  that  more  schools  were  estab- 
lished than  could  be  supported  by  the  county  revenues.    Although, 

1  Proceedings,  State  Teachers'  Association,  1883. 

2  Laws,  1886,  Chap.  XXIV.  Section  i6. 

3  Ihid.,  Sections  23-26. 

*  Report  of  Superintendent,  1886-1887,  p.  5. 
6  Proceedings,  State  Teachers'  Association,  1887. 


Development  of  the  Public  School  63 

according  to  the  law  of  1878,  schools  for  the  same  race  could  not  be 
established  nearer  together  than  two  and  one-half  miles,  they  seem  to 
have  been  located  "at  the  instance  of  every  neighborhood  faction."® 
Sometimes,  also,  a  teacher  living  in  a  certain  community  had  a 
school  established  for  his  own  convenience.  The  new  law  did  much 
to  remedy  this  evil.  The  county  board  was  empowered  to  lay  off 
and  alter  the  school  districts,  but  no  district  was  to  contain  less 
than  forty- five  educable  children,  except  in  cases  where  impassable 
barriers  prevented  such  an  arrangement.^  There  were  separate 
districts  for  each  race.  Under  this  law,  about  500  schools  were 
closed  during  the  first  year. 

Separate  school  districts  were  authorized  by  the  law  of  1878  for 
towns  of  1,000  inhabitants.  But  since  there  were  relatively  few 
such  towns  in  the  state,  the  advantages  of  the  separate  district 
were  necessarily  restricted.  The  separate  districts  contained  the 
only  schools  that  had  really  flourished  before  1886.  Twenty- two 
such  districts  were  in  existence  at  this  time.^  In  order  to  extend 
these  advantages  the  new  law  permitted  towns  of  750  to  become 
separate  districts. 

Perhaps  the  most  important  reform  was  the  establishment  of 
uniform  examinations  for  teachers.  Under  the  old  plan,  the  exam- 
ination had  been  hardly  more  than  a  matter  of  form ;  county  super- 
intendents often  granted  certificates  to  any  who  needed  a  place. ^ 
Under  the  new  plan  questions  for  examination  were  sent  out  from 
the  state  office,  and  superintendents  were  required  to  see  that  honest 
examinations  were  held.  The  subjects  on  which  teachers  were  to 
be  examined  for  license  were  as  follows :  ^^ 

FIRST  GRADE  SECOND  GRADE  THIRD  GRADE 

Spelling  Spelling  Spelling 

Reading  Reading,  to  fifth  Reading,  to  fifth  reader 

Mental  and  Practical  reader  Primary  Mental  Arith- 

Arithmetic  '  Mental  Arithmetic  metic 

Geography  Practical  Arithmetic,       Rudiments  of  practical 
English  Grammar  to  cube  root  Arithmetic  through 

Composition  Geography  (elementary)    fractions  and  simple 

United  States  History  Grammar  (elementary)      interest 

Natural  Philosophy  Composition  Geography  (elementary) 

(elementary)  Primary  United  States  Primary  Language  Lessons 
Elementary  Physiology       History 


64  Public  Schools  in  Mississippi 

In  addition  to  passing  a  satisfactory  examination  on  these  sub- 
jects, applicants  were  required  to  furnish  evidence  of  good  moral 
character  and  ability  to  manage  a  school. 

The  grade  of  certificate  was  made  the  basis  for  determining  the 
limits  of  salaries  for  teachers.  Formerly  the  average  daily  atten- 
dance in  the  school  was  taken  into  consideration  also,  but  the  abuse 
of  the  plan  led  to  its  abolition.  The  salary  for  third-grade  teachers 
was  fixed  between  the  limits  $15  and  $20;  for  second-grade  teachers, 
between  $18  and  $30;  for  first-grade,  between  $25  and  $55.  In 
determining  the  exact  salary  of  a  particular  teacher,  the  county 
superintendent  was  required  to  take  into  consideration  the  size 
of  the  school  and  the  executive  ability  of  the  teacher. 

The  new  law  also  placed  the  school  finances  on  a  more  stable 
basis.  The  state  treasurer  was  authorized,  in  case  the  school  fund 
did  not  amount  to  $300,000  per  annum,  to  transfer  an  amount  from 
the  treasury  sufficient  to  make  up  the  balance.  A  county  tax  of 
three  mills  was  made  mandatory. ^^ 

Up  to  this  time  the  administration  of  the  schools  had  been  placed 
•largely  in  the  hands  of  the  county  boards  of  supervisors,  who  looked 
after  the  school  interests  along  with  other  public  interests  such  as 
the  building  of  bridges  and  up-keep  of  roads.  The  new  law  required 
that  the  county  superintendent  with  the  advice  of  the  supervisors 
should  appoint  a  county  school  board.  One  board  member  was  to 
be  appointed  from  each  supervisor's  district  to  serve  a  term  of  two 
years,  and  was  to  be  exempt  from  road  and  jury  service.  The 
superintendent  was  ex-ojlcio  president  of  the  board.  The  county 
board  was  vested  with  general  supervision  of  the  schools,  with 
power  to  determine  the  limits  of  sub-districts,  etc. 

The  trustees  of  the  districts  were  not  overlooked  in  the  general 
revision  of  the  school  laws.^^  It  was  required  that  at  least  one 
member  should  be  able  to  read  and  write,  and  that  two  should  be 
residents  of  the  district  in  which  the  school  was  located. 

6  Report  of  Superintendent,  1886-1887,  p.  5. 

7  Laws  of  1886,  Chap.  XXIV.  Section  40. 

8  Report  of  Superintendent,  1901-1903. 
» Ibid.,  1886-1887,  P-  4. 

10  Laws  of  1886-1887,  Chap.  XXIV,  Sections  49-53- 
"  Ibid.,  Section  67. 
"  Ibid.,  Section  ?6. 


Development  of  the  Public  School  65 

As  is  always  the  case  in  the  inauguration  of  reforms,  there  was  at 
first  widespread  criticism  and  complaint.  Grounds  for  complaint 
were  found  chiefly  in  the  uniform  examinations  and  in  the  re-dis- 
tricting law.  In  a  short  time,  however,  this  died  away,  and  the 
people  began  to  see  the  beneficent  results  of  the  new  system.  Gov- 
ernor Lowry  in  1889  characterized  the  change  which  had  taken 
place  in  public  opinion,  as  "a  significant  triumph"  for  the  state 
superintendent.^^ 

The  Material  Equipment  of  the  Schools.  One  of  the  most  crying 
needs  of  the  school  system  was  the  need  of  better  buildings  and 
furnishings.  The  abuses  of  local  taxation  to  which  the  Reconstruc- 
tionists  had  been  led  in  their  efforts  to  provide  school  equipment, 
had  taught  the  tax-payers  a  bitter  lesson,  and  one  which  they  did 
not  soon  forget.  The  Democrats,  as  soon  as  they  came  into  power, 
withdrew  from  the  counties  the  right  to  tax  themselves  for  this 
purpose.  And  as  the  resources  of  the  state  were  still  at  a  low  ebb, 
the  legislature  had  not  dared  to  make  an  appropriation  for  school- 
houses. 

For  want  of  statistics  to  indicate  the  true  condition  of  the  school 
equipment,  I  have  drafted  from  the  narrative  reports  of  the  county 
superintendents  (Report  of  State  Superintendent,  1 886-1 887)  a 
summary  which  gives  a  vague  outline  of  the  situation.  These  re- 
ports are  in  many  cases  incomplete  and  lacking  in  definiteness,  so 
we  can  but  take  the  data  they  offer  and  infer  what  we  may. 

1.  Counties  in  which  there  were  no  log  schoolhouses:  Washington  and 
Warren. 

2.  Counties  which  had  eliminated  all  except  a  few  log  houses:  Adams, 
Madison,  and  Lowndes. 

3.  Counties  in  which  it  is  definitely  stated  that  half  the  buildings  were 
log  houses:  Alcorn,  Attala,  Calhoun,  Clay,  Hinds,  Jasper,  Panola,  Prentiss, 
and  Wilkinson. 

4.  Counties  in  which  at  least  two- thirds  of  the  buildings  were  log  houses: 
Greene,  Itawamba,  Lauderdale,  Marion,  Neshoba,  Perry,  and  Wayne. 

5.  Total  number  of  counties  reporting,  sixty-eight. 

This  additional  information  has  been  derived  from  the  reports: 
Eighteen  superintendents  reported  that  churches  were  being  used, 
particularly  by  the  Negroes,  in  the  absence  of  buildings  provided 
by  public  expense.    Desks  were  in  use  in  but  eighteen  counties,  and 

"  Governor's  Message,  1889,  p.  9. 


66  Public  Schools  in  Mississippi 

split-log  benches  were  still  used  in  at  least  one  county.  Thirty- 
one  superintendents,  in  describing  the  condition  of  the  school- 
houses,  employed  such  terms  as,  'bad',  'wretched',  'deplorable*, 
'shockingly  destitute'. 

It  is  not  difficult  to  see  that  the  condition  of  schoolhouses  was  far 
from  good,  and  we  may  easily  infer  that  those  for  Negroes  were 
worse  than  those  for  whites.  It  is  true  that  in  many  counties  Ne- 
groes made  extensive  use  of  their  churches,  but  these,  aside  from 
being  poorly  adapted  for  school  purposes,  could  scarcely  be  called 
comfortable. 

The  large  number  of  log  houses  astounds  one  used  to  the  con- 
veniences of  these  latter  days.  We  may  say  that  the  average 
schoolhouse  in  1886  was  a  poorly  lighted  frame  shanty,  heated  by 
a  smoky  stove,  and  equipped  with  rude  benches  or  home-made 
desks;  through  large  cracks  in  the  walls  and  floor  the  drafts  of 
winter  were  permitted  to  play  upon  the  poorly  clad  children. 

The  interest  in  public  schools  which  had  been  rapidly  growing  for 
ten  years,  and  which  culminated  in  the  reforms  of  1886,  inspired 
the  people  in  their  efforts  to  secure  a  better  equipment.  Between 
1887  and  1889,  826  new  buildings  were  constructed  at  a  cost  of 
$330,000.  There  is  no  means  of  determining  how  many  of  these 
were  built  for  colored  children,  but  it  is  safe  to  say  that  not  all  were 
built  for  the  white  population. 

In  1 888-1 889  the  'Two  and  Three  Per  Cent.  Fund',  which  under 
an  act  of  the  legislature  in  1882  had  been  allowed  to  accumulate 
to  this  date,  was  distributed  to  the  counties  to  be  applied  to  build- 
ings and  repairs.i^  Unfortunately,  the  legislature  did  not  specify 
the  conditions  under  which  the  fund  was  to  be  disbursed  to  the  school 
districts.  The  state  superintendent  advised  the  district  trustees 
to  supplement  their  shares  of  the  fund  but  in  many  places  this  was 
not  done,  and  in  some  places  the  trustees  unlawfully  applied  the 
money  to  the  payment  of  teachers.  However,  from  a  fund  amount- 
ing to  $78,429.05,  about  500  buildings  were  erected. 

From  1888  to  1895,  country  schools  to  the  number  of  2,348  were 
built,  or  more  than  a  third  as  many  as  were  needed.  The  majority 
of  these  were  well-constructed  frame  buildings  and  afforded  "rea- 
sonable accommodations"  for  the  children. ^^     The  towns,  in  the 

"  Report  of  Superintendent,  1888-1889,  p.  8. 
15  Ibid.,  1 893-1 895,  p.  43. 


Development  of  the  Public  School  67 

meantime,  constructed  twenty-five  brick  buildings  costing  from 
$10,000  to  $30,000  each,  and  twenty-three  frame  buildings  costing 
from  $2,500  to  $8,000  each. 

The  right  of  district  trustees  to  change  the  location  of  the  schools 
was  a  deterrent  factor  which  prevented  many  communities  from 
building  permanent  houses.^®  Despite  the  efforts  put  forth  to 
improve  the  equipment  of  schools,  comparatively  little  seems  to 
have  been  accomplished.    The  superintendent  in  1900  said: 

Our  schoolhouses,  as  a  rule,  are  a  disgrace  to  the  state.  They  are  not 
adapted  for  the  work  for  which  they  were  erected;  as  a  rule,  no  attention 
being  paid  to  the  proper  lighting,  heating,  sanitation,  and  architecture.  I 
do  not  believe  there  is  a  neighborhood  in  the  state  too  poor  to  build  a  com- 
fortable and  well-arranged  house. ^^ 

Material  Equipment,  igoo-iQio.  Table  III  tells  about  all  there 
is  to  say  in  regard  to  the  material  equipment  for  this  period. 
From  it  we  learn  that  not  less  than  2,135  schoolhouses  were  built 
during  this  decade,  and  that  the  number  built  for  use  of  the  white 
population  exceeded  by  three  to  one  the  number  built  for  Negroes. 
The  fact  that  local  funds  and  private  subscriptions  provided  the 
chief  means  for  the  erection  of  buildings,  accounts  for  this  differ- 
ence in  numbers  for  each  race. 

Superintendent  Whitfield  devoted  a  large  part  of  his  energy  from 
1900  to  1905  toward  improving  the  material  equipment  of  the 
schools.  He  published  detailed  directions  for  the  location  of 
schools,  for  erection  of  buildings,  and  for  proper  lighting,  heating,  and 
ventilation.^^  He  attributed  the  low  average  attendance  (scarcely 
sixty  per  cent.)  to  disability  of  pupils,  caused  by  defects  in  the 
school  equipment.  Speaking  of  the  condition  of  the  schoolhouses, 
he  says: 

It  is  unnecessary  to  give  statistics  in  regard  to  the  condition  of  the  rural 
schoolhouses  of  the  state.  That  they  are  in  the  main  uncomfortable  and 
unsightly  and  wholly  inadequate  for  their  purposes  is  admitted  by  everyone. 

The  superintendent  doubtless  had  in  mind  the  rural  schools  for 
whites  when  he  made  the  foregoing  statement.  If  such  was  the 
condition  of  white  schoolhouses,  what  must  have  been  the  condi- 
tion of  the  buildings  for  Negroes? 

"  Report  of  Superintendent,  1898-1899,  p.  4. 

^''  Ibid.,  1899-1901,  p.  I. 

18 /did.,  1901-1903;   1903-1905. 


68 


Public  Schools  in  Mississippi 


However,  there  was  unquestionably  much  improvement  during  the 
decade,  at  least  so  far  as  the  white  schools  were  concerned.  The  first 
annual  report  of  the  Rural  School  Supervisor  contains  a  survey  of 
the  conditions.^^  He  sums  up  the  situation  with  respect  to  build- 
ings in  the  following  words: 

In  the  matter  of  equipment  in  the  way  of  buildings  and  furniture  great 
improvements  have  been  made  within  recent  years,  but  there  remains  much 
to  be  done  to  make  the  equipment  adequate  to  meet  the  needs  of  the  country 
children.  It  seems  that  about  seventy  per  cent,  of  the  rural  schoolhouses 
are  still  unpainted,  while  many  are  uncomfortable  and  poorly  lighted.^ 

TABLE  III 
SCHOOLHOUSES  AND  COST  OF  BUILDINGS — 1 899,  I9OO,  AND   I909 


SCHOOLHOUSES  BUILT 

EXPENDITURE  FOR 

BUILDINGS  BY  STATE 

White 

Colored 

I 899-1 900 

16621 

5822 

I900-I90I 

I90I-I902 

201 

97 

$13,531 

I 902-1 903 

215 

82 

22,142 

I903-I904 

227 

61 

43,623 

I 904-1 905 

330 

109 

44,534 

I 905-1 906 

333 

94 

57,833 

I 906- I 907 

262 

75 

96,083 

I907-I908 

199 

73 

I 908- I 909 

202 

75 

Total 

2,135 

724 

277,746 

"  Report  of  Superintendent,  1909-1911. 

20  Marvelous  strides  have  been  made  since  1910,  and  when  the  story  of  the  last  seven 

years  has  been  told,  the  springing  up  of  new,  modern  buildings  will  appear  like  the 
work  of  magic.  But  the  colored  race  has  by  no  means  shared  equally  in  this  form 
of  educational  prosperity.  Indeed,  it  is  clear  to  a  casual  observer  that  very  little 
progress  has  been  made  in  improving  the  condition  of  Negro  schools. 

21  Author's  estimate  from  data  in  Superintendent's  Report;   schools  located  in  fifty- 

three  counties. 

22  Author's  estimate  from  data  in  Superintendent's  Report;  schools  located  in  twenty- 

five  counties. 


Development  of  the  Public  School  69 

Educational  Progress  Since  1886.  The  type  of  organization 
adopted  for  the  school  system  in  1886  is  fundamentally  the  same  that 
we  have  at  present.  A  few  minor  changes  have  been  made,  but  in 
its  essential  character  there  has  been  but  slight  modification.  The 
immediate  effect  of  the  laws  of  1886  was  salutary.  The  uniform 
examination  of  teachers,  the  inspection  of  schools  by  the  county 
superintendent,  the  re-districting  law,  the  permission  of  communi- 
ties of  750  to  establish  separate  districts,  the  establishment  of  a 
county  school  board,  all  tended  to  promote  the  efficiency  of  the 
schools.  It  is  our  purpose  in  the  succeeding  pages  of  this  chapter 
to  follow  the  general  trend  of  educational  activity  for  the  next 
quarter  of  a  century. 

A  law  ^^  which  caused  considerable  agitation  among  people  inter- 
ested in  education,  was  a  statute  passed  in  1890  requiring  county 
school  boards,  on  the  recommendation  of  five  competent  teachers, 
to  adopt  uniform  texts  for  the  county.  There  was  a  widespread 
protest  against  this  law,  and  the  superintendent  was  called  upon  to 
enforce  it  through  the  State  Department.^^  When  those  who 
opposed  the  law  became  convinced  that  its  provisions  were  manda- 
tory, and  that  the  superintendent  was  determined  to  enforce  it, 
opposition  ceased. 

Since  the  establishment  of  the  system,  the  status  of  the  county 
superintendent  had  been  precarious.  Attempts  have  now  and 
then  been  made  to  abolish  the  office  and  provide  for  some  other 
means  of  administering  the  duties  belonging  to  it.  Such  an  attempt 
was  made  in  the  Constitutional  Convention  in  1890,  but  it  failed  to 
gain  any  following.^^  From  the  first,  there  had  been  a  considerable 
element  in  the  legislative  bodies  which  favored  making  the  office 
elective.  As  time  went  on,  there  was  a  growing  tendency  on  the 
part  of  the  counties  to  seek  from  the  legislature  the  special  privilege 
of  electing  their  own  superintendents;  in  1892,  a  special  act 
permitted  all  counties  except  fourteen  to  do  so.^^  In  1896,  superin- 
tendents were  elected  in  all  counties  except  Adams,  Coahoma,  Hinds, 
Sunflower,  Warren,  and  Washington. ^^  Soon  these  six  yielded  to 
the  voice  of  the  people  demanding  an  elective  office. 

23  Annotated  Code  of  1892,  Section  4068. 

2<  Raymond  Gazette,  November  15,  29;   December  13,  20,  1890. 

25  Journal  of  Constitutional  Convention,  1890,  p.  329. 

26  Laws  of  1892,  Chap.  131. 

27  Laws  of  1896,  Chap.  108. 


70  Public  Schools  in  Mississippi 

A  law  of  1892  provided  that  every  county  with  fifteen  school  dis- 
tricts for  either  race,  should  hold  an  institute  for  five  days  each 
scholastic  year.^^  The  fee  of  fifty  cents,  charged  each  applicant  for 
license,  was  supposed  to  defray  the  expense  of  these  institutes. 
This  represented  a  great  improvement  over  the  plan  provided  in 
1886,  but  it  did  not  prove  very  efficient. 

A  county  examining  board  was  established  in  1890.2^  This  board 
consisted  of  the  county  superintendent  and  two  first-grade  teachers 
or  college  graduates,  who  were  authorized  to  examine  the  papers 
of  all  applicants  for  license  to  teach.  In  1896  the  State  Board  of 
Examiners  was  established  ^^  and  authorized  to  issue  professional 
and  state  licenses.  State  licenses  were  legal  for  one-,  two-  and  three- 
year  periods,  according  to  the  per  cent,  of  proficiency  indicated 
on  the  applicant's  papers.  Teachers  who  received  state  licenses  a 
second  time,  were  granted  exemption  from  further  examination. 

Separate  districts  were  required  by  law  in  1892  to  make  either 
or  both  of  their  schools  graded  schools. ^^  Graded  schools  were 
defined  as  follows:  First,  graded  grammar  schools,  in  which  the 
elementary  branches  were  taught;  and  second,  graded  high  schools, 
in  which  were  provided  studies  for  those  who  had  passed  the  graded 
grammar  school  course.  The  trustees  were  permitted  to  fix  rea- 
sonable tuition  fees  for  high  school  students.  Children  from  the 
country  had  been  permitted  since  1886  to  attend  the  separate  dis- 
trict schools,  and  have  their  pro  rata  of  the  school  fund  transferred 
to  the  separate  district. 

In  1906  the  county  board  of  education  was  empowered  to  estab- 
lish rural  separate  districts  ^^  having  an  area  of  not  less  than  sixteen 
square  miles.  Such  districts,  however,  were  not  permitted  the 
rights  of  separate  districts,  unless  they  maintained  a  school  for 
seven  months.  The  county  board  of  supervisors  levied  the  tax  for 
maintenance  on  petition  of  a  majority  of  the  qualified  electors. 

Two  years  later  municipal  authorities  were  permitted  to  issue 
bonds  to  build  and  repair  schoolhouses,  and  to  maintain  schools.^^ 

28  Annotated  Code  of  1892,  Sections  99  to  102. 

29  Laws  of  1890,  Chap.  71,  Section  8. 

30  Laws  of  1896,  Chap.  106. 

31  Laws  of  1892,  Section  4015. 

32  Annotated  Code  of  1906,  Section  4530. 

33  Laws  of  1908,  Chap.  loi. 


Development  of  the  Public  School 


71 


In  1904,  a  uniform  text-book  law  was  passed  ^  which  permitted 
a  commission  of  eight  teachers  appointed  by  the  governor  to  select 
texts  for  use  in  all  public  schools  for  a  period  of  five  years.  Texts 
in  the  following  subjects  were  to  be  adopted :  orthography,  reading, 
writing,  intellectual  arithmetic,  practical  arithmetic,  geography, 
English  grammar,  composition.  United  States  history,  physiology, 
civil  government,  elements  of  agriculture,  history  of  Mississippi. 

The  statutory  course  of  study  was  now  composed  of  the  same 
subjects  that  were  required  of  teachers  in  the  county  examinations. 
The  list  of  studies  for  examination,  however,  had  been  increased  in 
1904  by  the  addition  of  elements  of  agriculture.^^ 


-^ 

y^ 

y  y 

-^ 


<--^ 

^^'^ 

y^ 



:!. 

'/ 

I87SL      1880     ISes      1690     1695       1900      1905       1910 


1875      1680      1885      1890      1895      1900      1905      (9M 


Fig.  I    School  Population:  White  - 

Colored .     Expressed  in 

Ten  Thousands 


Fig.  2    Enrolment:  White 

Colored .    Expressed  in 

Ten  Thousands 


The  trend  of  public  sentiment  was  unquestionably  in  the  direc- 
tion of  adapting  the  schools  to  the  needs  of  the  people.  A  Com- 
mittee of  Five  was  appointed  by  the  State  Teachers'  Association 
in  1 90 1  to  investigate  the  conditions  prevailing  in  rural  schools 
and  make  recommendations  to  the  association.  The  committee 
rendered  an  elaborate  report  in  May,  1903.^^  Among  the  recom- 
mendations of  the  committee  the  most  prominent  were:    (i)  the 

3*  Laws  of  1904,  Chap.  86. 

»8  Ibid. 

^  Report  of  Superintendent,  1901-1903. 


72  Public  Schools  in  Mississippi 

encouragement  of  local  taxation  with  the  county  as  a  unit;  (2) 
better  supervision  of  rural  schools  through  a  county  superintendent 
responsible  to  a  board ;  (3)  systematic  training  of  teachers  through 
normals  and  institutes ;  (4)  a  revision  gf  the  course  of  study,  plac- 
ing less  emphasis  upon  mental  and  practical  arithmetic  and  more 
on  English  and  history;  (5)  the  addition  of  agriculture  on  the  list 
of  statutory  subjects. 

Superintendent  Whitfield  in  1905  recommended  the  establish- 
ment of  rural  high  schools,  and  also  the  establishment  of  a  limited 
number  of  agricultural  high  schools.  The  recommendation  with 
respect  to  agricultural  high  schools  was  repeated  by  Superintendent 
Powers  in  1907,  with  the  result  that  the  legislature  agreed  to  the 
establishment  of  one  such  school  in  each  county .^^  The  school  so 
established  was  to  receive  $1 ,500  from  the  state.  This  law,  however, 
was  declared  unconstitutional  because  it  did  not  provide  for  the 
education  of  the  colored  youth.  The  present  agricultural  high 
school  bill  was  passed  as  a  substitute  in  1910.^^  It  provides  for  the 
establishment  of  one  such  school  for  the  white  youth  and  one  for 
the  colored  youth  in  any  county,  after  the  electors  of  the  county 
have  voted  a  levy  for  equipment  and  maintenance.  The  two  schools 
may  be  established  at  different  times,  and  separate  levies  are  to 
be  made  for  each  school.  This  means  that  the  voters,  at  present 
practically  all  white,  determine  whether  a  Negro  agricultural  high 
school  shall  be  established.  The  result  has  been  that  no  Negro 
schools  have  as  yet  been  established. 

The  consolidation  of  schools  was  a  topic  in  the  report  of  Super- 
intendent Powers  in  1907.  The  recommendation  received  legisla- 
tive favor  in  1910,^^  and  county  school  boards  were  authorized  to 
consolidate  schools  and  to  provide  for  the  transportation  of  pupils. 

Other  steps  toward  the  improvement  of  rural  schools  were  the 
organization  of  boys'  corn  clubs,  which  became  very  popular  in  the 
later  years  of  this  decade,  the  organization  of  a  school  improvement 
association,  and  the  appointment  of  a  rural  school  supervisor  in 
1 910.  These  movements  represent  strides  far  in  advance  of  the 
faltering  pace  of  1900.  It  should  be  observed,  however,  that  Negro 
schools  have  not  shared  to  any  great  extent  in  this  progress. 

37  Laws  of  1908,  Chap.  102. 

38  Laws  of  1910,  Chap.  122. 

39  Ibid.,  Chap.  124. 


Development  of  the  Public  School 


73 


Stagnation  is  written  large  in  the  statistics  for  white  schools  for 
the  period  embraced  between  1886  and  1899.  (See  Table  IV.) 
While  there  was  a  substantial  increase  in  the  enrolment  and  in  the 
percentage  of  the  school  population  enrolled,  the  average  daily 
attendance  increased  but  16.0  per  cent,  and  the  number  of  teach- 
ers but  1 5. 1   per  cent.     The  enrolment  was   outrunning   the   in- 


^ 


I&T5      I8&0      I8&5      1890      1895      1900      1905      1910 

Fig.  3    Average  Daily  Attendance: 

White ;  Colored .    Expressed 

in  Ten  Thousands 


« 

M 
S5 

SO 
45 
40 
35 

/ 

/ 

/ 

A 

y 

J 



/' 

/ 

__,-. 

/ 

/ 

.^ 

30 
IS, 
20 
15 
10 

—  "" 

/ 

/ 

/ 

^^  ** 

/ 

• 

I8T5       1860       1885       1890       1895      1900      1905      I9l0 

Fig.  4    Number  of  Teachers: 

White ;  Colored .    Expressed 

in  Thousands 


crease  in  the  number  of  teachers,  so  that  in  1899  the  average 
teacher  (on  the  basis  of  enrolment)  had  to  care  for  four  more  pupils 
than  he  did  in  1886.  For  the  increase  in  service  thus  required,  he 
received  a  raise  in  salary  of  twenty-seven  cents  per  month,  making 
an  average  monthly  salary  of  $31.64. 

In  the  Negro  schools  for  the  same  period  positive  retrogression  is 
evident,  if  statistics  indicate  the  true  situation.  Although  the 
Negro  school  population  was  increasing  far  more  rapidly  than  the 
school  population  of  the  white  race,  the  enrolment  was  not  keeping 


74 


Public  Schools  in  Mississippi 


pace.  White  schools  in  1899  were  enrolHng  10.95  P^r  cent,  more  of 
the  school  population  than  in  1886,  and  the  Negro  schools  but  5.36 
per  cent.  more.  Yet,  the  increase  of  enrolment  in  Negro  schools 
was  far  in  excess  of  the  increase  of  the  average  daily  attendance.  In 
fact,  the  average  daily  attendance  showed  scarcely  any  increase. 
The  number  of  teachers  also  failed  to  increase.  In  1899,  the  aver- 
age Negro  teacher  was  required  to  teach  sixty-three  children, 
thirteen  more  than  in  1886,  and  for  this  increase  in  his  duties  he 
received  the  sum  of  $19.39,  or  $8.01  less  than  he  received  in  1886. 


\ 

\ 

y 

35 

\ 

/ 

/^ 

/ 

\ 

/ 

30 

"^ 

\ 

itA 

> 

"^^ 

-v^ 

- 

1875     1880      1885 


1895      1900     1905       1910 


Fig.  5    Average  Monthly  Salaries  of  Teachers: 

White ,-    Colored . 

Expressed  in  Dollars 


In  marked  contrast  with  the  depression  of  the  period  just  dis- 
cussed is  the  progress  in  white  schools  during  the  succeeding  ten 
years.  The  enrolment  increased  32.4  per  cent,  and  the  average 
daily  attendance,  41.  i  per  cent.  In  1909,  91.78  per  cent,  of  the 
school  population  was  being  enrolled.  The  number  of  teachers 
increased  38  per  cent.,  their  average  monthly  salaries  increased 
nearly  ten  dollars,  and  the  number  of  pupils  per  teacher  was  slightly 
reduced.  The  schools  were  now  reaching  a  larger  number  of  peo- 
ple than  ever  before,  and  were  developing  the  machinery  for  a 
higher  degree  of  efficiency  than  they  had  ever  before  exhibited. 


Development  of  the  Public  School  75 

In  Negro  schools  we  see  a  few  of  the  marks  of  progress,  but  we 
cannot  say  that  they  have  advanced  very  far.  In  the  last  ten 
years  there  has  been  a  substantial  increase  in  the  enrolment  and 
average  attendance.  The  number  of  teachers  has  increased  17.5 
per  cent.,  but  has  by  no  means  kept  pace  with  the  enrolment.  The 
average  Negro  teacher  now  has  to  teach  four  children  more  than 
he  did  in  1899,  and  receives  for  it  ninety- two  cents  more  a  month. 
He  is  now  attempting  the  Herculean  task  of  teaching  sixty-seven 
children,  or  almost  twice  as  many  as  the  average  white  teacher  is 
required  to  teach.  Were  it  not  for  the  fact  that  such  a  small  per- 
centage of  the  enrolment  is  in  daily  attendance,  colored  teachers 
would  be  able  to  accomplish  little  indeed.  As  things  now  stand, 
we  can  hope  for  but  the  most  meager  returns. 

When  we  consider  in  connection  with  the  statistical  data  we  have 
just  interpreted,  the  fact  that  the  average  rural  school  term  is 
barely  four  months,  that  the  buildings  used  for  school  purposes  are 
altogether  inadequate,  and  that  the  teachers  have  little  or  no 
training,  we  need  not  wonder  that  Negroes  who  receive  instruction 
in  such  schools  continue  in  ignorance,  shiftlessness,  and  crime. 


76 


Public  Schools  in  Mississippi 


TABLE  IV 
PROGRESS  OF  WHITE  AND  COLORED  SCHOOLS,  1 886  TO  1 899 

{Compiled  from  Statistics  in  Reports  of  the  State  Superintendent) 


WHITE 

COLORED 

Per 

Per 

1886 

1899 

Cent. 
Increase 

1886 

1899 

Cent. 
Increase 

School  population 

202,532 

227,470" 

11.7 

269,090 

331,330" 

23.1 

Enrolment 

129,203 

167,173 

29.4 

153.530 

191,968 

25.0 

Per  cent,   of  school 

population  enrolled 

62.76« 

73.71^^ 

10.95 

53.45" 

58.09« 

5.36 

Average  daily  atten- 

84,884 

98i379 

16.0 

99,134 

102,447 

3.3 

dance 

Teachers 

3,840 

4,419 

I5-I 

3,012 

3,023 

.03 

Pupils  per  teacher  ^2 

33.7 

37-8 

50.9 

63.5 

Average  monthly  sal- 

aries of  teachers 

$31-37 

$31.64 

$0.27« 

$27.40 

$19.39 

— $8.01 « 

PROGRESS  OF  WHITE  AND  COLORED  SCHOOLS,  1 899  TO  I909 

WHITE 

COLORED 

Per 

Per 

1899 

1909 

Cent. 
Increase 

1899 

1909 

Cent. 
Increase 

School  population 

227,470" 

241,218" 

6.0 

331,330" 

360,925" 

8.1 

Enrolment 

167,173 

221,392 

32.4 

191,968 

238,639 

24.2 

Per  cent,   of  school 

population  enrolled 

73.71" 

91.78^1 

18.07 

58.09« 

66.ii« 

8.02 

Average  daily  atten- 

dance 

98,379 

138,813 

41. 1 

102,447 

145,153 

41.6 

Teachers 

4,419 

6,099 

38.0 

3,023 

3,552 

17.5 

Pupils  per  teacher  ^^ 

37.8 

36.3 

63.5 

67.2 

Average  monthly  sal- 

aries of  teachers 

$31.64 

$41.49 

$9.85« 

$19.39 

$20.31 

|o.92« 

*"  United  States  Commissioner's  Report,  school  age,  five  to  eighteen.    Statistics  for 

1886,  school  age,  five  to  twenty-one. 
*i  United  States  Commissioner's  Report. 
<2  On  the  basis  of  number  of  pupils  enrolled. 
"Aggregate;   minus  sign  means  decrease. 


CHAPTER  VII 
THE  STATUS  OF  THE  TEACHING  BODY 

Period  Between  1886  and  igoo.  The  state  superintendent  in  his 
Reports  in  1 891-1893  and  1 893-1 895  showed  that  the  plan  of  dis- 
tributing the  state  school  fund,  prescribed  in  the  constitution  of 
1890,  had  worked  to  the  advantage  of  the  'black  counties*.  Did 
this  advantage  result  in  better  school  facilities  for  the  large  number 
of  Negroes  resident  in  these  counties?  Did  it  result  in  poorer  facili- 
ties for  the  Negroes  resident  in  the  'white  counties'? 

The  state  distribution  could  not  be  used  for  school  buildings,  or 
for  repairs,  or  for  furniture.  Nor  could  it  be  used  to  increase  the 
length  of  term  in  one  district  of  a  county  without  increasing  the 
length  of  terms  in  all  districts.  To  this  extent,  then,  white  and 
colored  children  shared  equally  the  advantage  derived  by  the 
favored  counties.  It  is  true  that  when  the  schools  of  a  county  could 
be  supported  entirely  from  the  state  distribution,  the  people  were 
free  to  apply  their  local  revenues  toward  increasing  the  efficiency 
of  their  schools  in  other  ways.  But  the  state  distribution  went 
chiefly  to  pay  the  salaries  of  teachers. 

In  order  to  determine  the  extent  to  which  the  unequal  distribu- 
tion affected  the  status  of  the  teaching  profession  in  various  parts 
of  the  state,  I  have  continued  the  comparative  study  made  by  the 
superintendent  in  1 893-1 895.  The  code  of  1892  ^  prescribed  the 
following  schedule  of  salaries  for  teachers  in  the  public  schools; 

Third  grade,  $15  to  $20 
Second  grade,  $18  to  $30 
First  grade,  $25  to  $55 

The  law  added :  "In  fixing  the  salary  the  superintendent  must  take 
into  consideration  the  executive  and  teaching  capacity  of  the 
teachers,  and  the  size  of  the  school,  to  be  determined  both  by  the 
educable  population  of  the  district  and  the  average  attendance  of 
the  preceding  year." 

^Annotated  Code  of  1892,  Section  2026. 


78 


Public  Schools  in  Mississippi 


TABLE  V 

COMPARATIVE  SALARIES  OF  TEACHERS,   1892-1893 

Ten  White  Counties  {City  and  Country  Schools) 


TOTAL  SALARIES 

AVERAGE  MONTHLY   SALARIES 

COUNTY 

White 

Colored 

White 

Colored 

Alcorn 

$8,506 

$2,621 

$31.04 

$20.85 

Calhoun 

8,510 

2,452 

22.99 

15-67 

Choctaw- 

5,375 

2,072 

26.35 

22.53 

Covington 

4,174 

1,381 

23.46 

21.39 

Itawamba 

9,681 

1,083 

21.25 

19.70 

Jones 

4,273 

659 

14.65 

16.86 

Leake 

6,998 

2,273 

26.20 

18.60 

Marion 

5,644 

1,182 

28.67 

17.08 

Pontotoc 

10,091 

2,199 

27.92 

18.06 

Smith 

5,889 

939 

21.41 

14.20 

Total 

$69,141 

$16,861 

$24-39 

$18.49 

Ten  Black  Counties 


TOTAL  SALARIES 

AVERAGE  MONTHLY  SALARIES 

COUNTY 

White 

Colored 

White 

Colored 

Bolivar 

Claiborne 

Coahoma 

De  Soto 

Holmes 

Issaquena 

Le  Flore 

Lowndes 

Monroe 

Washington 

$8,725 
10,240 

6,134 

8,722 

10,941 

1,965 

4,950 

13,818 

15,330 

12,116 

$11,526 
7,957 
4,565 
6,019 
9,310 
3,124 
5,284 
7,325 
7,181 

16,155 

$49.45 
36.90 
42-59 
39-06 
40.48 
53-50 
48.00 
44.72 

35-57 
51.32 

'  $28.33 
26.76 
19-50 
24.61 

24-25 
26.30 
21.81 
22.06 
16.94 
29.70 

Total 

$92,941 

$78,446 

$44-15 

$24.02 

Status  of  the  Teaching  Body  79 

The  law  gave  freedom  for  a  considerable  amount  of  variability  in 
respect  to  salary.  Let  us  see  how  the  plan  worked  out.  The  state 
superintendent's  study  called  attention  to  the  unduly  large  amounts 
which  the  black  counties  received  through  the  state  distribution. 
Table  V  shows  how  these  amounts  were  applied  to  the  salaries  of 
teachers.    We  may  conclude  from  this  table  that: 

1.  The  black  counties  were  paying,  in  the  aggregate,  very  much 
larger  amounts  to  teachers  than  were  being  paid  in  the  white 
counties. 

2.  The  average  salary  of  Negro  teachers  in  both  white  and  black 
counties  was  considerably  lower  than  the  average  salary  of  white 
teachers. 

3.  Negro  teachers  in  the  black  counties  were  almost  as  well  pro- 
vided for  as  white  teachers  in  the  sparsely  settled  counties.  In  fact, 
four  black  counties  were  paying  Negro  teachers  salaries  in  excess 
of  the  average  salary  of  white  teachers  in  the  ten  white  counties. 

On  the  basis  of  these  conclusions,  are  we  to  surmise  that  the 
black  counties  were  employing  in  their  schools  teachers  with  a 
higher  grade  of  certificate  than  the  white  counties  were  able  to 
employ?  Or,  were  they  paying  teachers  of  similar  qualifications  to 
those  in  the  white  counties,  salaries  nearer  the  maximum  figures  in 
the  graded  schedule? 

Table  VI  throws  light  on  this  query.  It  is  perfectly  evident  from 
this  table  that  first-grade  teachers  in  the  white  schools  of  both 
white  and  black  counties  outnumbered  the  second  and  third-grade 
teachers.  Further,  it  is  evident  that  third-grade  teachers  pre- 
dominate in  Negro  schools  of  both  white  and  black  counties. 
Table  VII  gives  this  information  in  terms  of  percentages.  From 
these  data  we  may  conclude,  that: 

1 .  The  average  Negro  teacher  in  the  black  counties,  although  he 
received  a  larger  salary  than  his  co-laborer  in  the  white  counties, 
was  not  so  well  qualified  for  his  position — so  far  as  a  certificate  indi- 
cates ability  to  teach. 

2.  The  higher  salary  of  the  Negro  teachers  in  the  black  counties 
was  not  due  to  their  holding  higher  grades  of  certificate,  but  to  the 
fact  that  their  salaries  were  fixed  nearer  the  upper  margin  of  the 
graded  schedule.  For  instance,  third-grade  teachers  in  the  black 
counties,  instead  of  receiving  $15,  possibly  received  salaries  near 
$20,  the  legal  maximum  to  which  a  third-grade  teacher  was  entitled. 


8o 


Public  Schools  in  Mississippi 


TABLE  VI 

NUMBER  OF  TEACHERS  OF  EACH  GRADE,  1892-1893 

Ten  White  Counties 


WHITE 

COLORED 

COUNTY 

First 

Second 

Third 

First 

Second 

Third 

Alcorn 

29 

17 

'      7 

3 

2 

18 

Calhoun 

65 

II 

0 

7 

13 

10 

Choctaw 

47 

4 

0 

12 

10 

I 

Covington 

47 

I 

I 

8 

5 

3 

Itawamba 

49 

35 

0 

I 

9 

I 

Jones 

35 

25 

I 

I 

3 

6 

Leake 

37 

18 

6 

3 

14 

12 

Marion 

56 

4 

0 

3 

5 

10 

Pontotoc 

38 

31 

2 

I 

10 

14 

Smith 

63 

15 

I 

I 

8 

6 

Total 

466 

161 

18 

40 

79 

81 

Ten  Black  Counties 


WHITE 

COLORED 

COUNTY 

First 

Second 

Third 

First 

Second 

Third 

Bolivar 

34 

2 

0 

24 

35 

33 

Claiborne 

18 

18 

0 

6 

28 

9 

Coahoma 

25 

3 

0 

7 

6 

45 

De  Soto 

41 

7 

0 

II 

II 

31 

Holmes 

58 

2 

0 

22 

44 

19 

Issaquena 

9 

0 

0 

12 

9 

12 

Le  Flore 

19 

I 

0 

18 

21 

27 

Lowndes 

41 

9 

4 

I 

18 

45 

Monroe 

49 

35 

4 

2 

9 

76 

Washington 

32 

0 

0 

14 

44 

51 

Total 

326 

77 

8 

117 

225 

348 

Status  of  the  Teaching  Body 


8i 


TABLE  VII 

PER  CENT.  OF  TEACHERS  OF  EACH  GRADE  IN  WHITE  AND 

BLACK  COUNTIES,  1892-1893 


WHITE  COUNTIES 

BLACK  COUNTIES 

RACE 

First 

Second 

Third 

First 

Second 

Third 

White  teachers 
Colored 
teachers 

72.2 
20.0 

24.9 
39-5 

2.5 
40.5 

79-3 
16.9 

18.7 
32.6 

1.9 
50.4 

Thus  we  see  that  the  black  counties  were  to  some  extent  sharing 
their  abundance  between  both  white  and  colored  teachers. 

3.  In  general,  we  may  say  that  higher  average  salaries  for  white 
teachers  in  all  parts  of  the  state  were  due  to  the  fact  that  they  held 
higher  grades  of  certificate. 

Was  there  any  discrimination  on  the  part  of  county  superinten- 
dents against  Negro  teachers?  Was  there  any  disposition  on  their 
part  to  exercise  their  legal  prerogative  and  fix  the  salaries  of  Negro 
teachers  lower  than. those  of  white  teachers,  observing,  of  course, 
the  legal  limits?  Was  there  any  disposition  on  the  part  of  county 
boards  of  examiners  to  keep  down  the  salaries  of  Negro  teachers 
by  granting  them  lower  grades  of  certificate?  We  have  no  data  for 
answering  these  questions.  If  the  practice  of  fixing  the  salaries  of 
Negro  teachers  lower  than  those  of  white  teachers  was  at  all  general, 
there  was  possibly  a  justification  for  this.  A  county  superintendent 
speaking  before  the  State  Teachers'  Association  as  early  as  1887, 
gave  a  reasonable  defense  of  the  flexible  salary  schedule  i^ 

Teachers  differ  immensely  in  degrees  of  competency,  social  standing,  and 
success.  Now  equitable  dealing  requires  that  such  differences  should  be 
recognized;  and,  accordingly,  the  state  when  fixing  her  salaries  should  make 
it  possible  to  discriminate  with  due  regard  to  them.  It  does  not  follow  that 
all  teachers  of  the  same  grade  should  receive  the  same  pay.  I  believe  that  a 
large  proportion  of  our  teachers  can  by  rigid  economy  live  upon  the  salaries 
as  now  fixed ;  and  when  the  general  poverty  of  our  people  and  the  respective 

•  Proceedings,  State  Teachers*  Association,  1887. 


82  Public  Schools  in  Mississippi 

claims  of  their  teachers  are  considered,  it  may  be  assumed  that  this  ability 
to  live  by  the  salary  is  the  measure  of  equity.  For  this  proportion,  then,  I 
would  say  that  the  remuneration  is  just  and  adequate. 

We  may  readily  see  how  the  principle  here  advocated  applies  in 
Negro  schools.  Negro  teachers,  with  a  lower  standard  of  living, 
with  fewer  social  wants,  and  with  lower  qualifications,  did  not  de- 
serve as  high  salaries  as  were  paid  white  teachers. 

The  fact  that  there  was  such  a  large  percentage  of  the  colored 
teachers  who  received  third-grade  certificates  gives  rise  to  the 
query  whether  Negro  teachers  were  getting  as  high  certificates  as 
they  deserved.  A  negative  answer  to  this  question  impugns  the 
integrity  of  the  examining  boards  in  almost  every  county.  In  the 
absence  of  data  it  would  be  folly  to  press  such  a  claim.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  low  grade  of  work  done  in  the  public  schools,  and  the  total 
lack  of  high  schools  for  Negroes,  leads  us  to  the  conclusion  that  the 
preparation  of  Negro  teachers  could  not  have  been  very  thorough. 

In  this  connection  it  would  be  well  to  ascertain  what  the  standards 
of  certification  were.  Very  few  changes  were  made  in  the  school 
law  from  1886  to  1896.  The  Annotated  Code  of  1892  indicates  that 
a  slight  change  had  been  made  in  the  list  of  subjects  prescribed  for 
examination.^  Second-  and  third-grade  applicants  were  required  to 
stand  examination  in  primary  physiology  (with  special  reference 
to  narcotics),  in  addition  to  the  list  of  subjects  prescribed  for  second- 
grade  applicants  in  1886.  The  passing  mark  for  a  third-grade  cer- 
tificate was  set  at  sixty,  for  a  second-grade  certificate,  at  seventy-five 
per  cent.  To  the  list  of  subjects  required  for  a  first-grade  certificate 
in  1886  were  added  the  history  of  Mississippi,  elements  of  natural 
philosophy,  civil  government,  elements  of  physiology  and  hygiene 
(with  special  reference  to  narcotics). 

Normals  and  institutes  doubtless  increased  somewhat  the  effi- 
ciency of  both  white  and  colored  teachers.  The  benefit  of  the  Pea- 
body  Fund  had  been  lost  in  1884,  and  was  not  restored  until  1892. 
County  superintendents,  however,  were  required  by  the  law  of  1886 
to  spend  three  Saturdays  of  each  month  conducting  teachers' 
institutes.  This  plan  was  very  ineffective  and  was  succeeded  in 
1892  by  what  is  known  as  the  county  institute,  conducted  for  a 
period  of  five  days  each  scholastic  year."*    Separate  institutes  were 

3  cf.  Laws  of  1886,  Chap.  XXIV,  Sections  49  to  53  with  Code  of  1892,  Section  4022. 
*  Report  of  Superintendent,  1891-1893,  p.  is. 


Status  of  the  Teaching  Body  83 

held  for  each  race.  These  were  infinitely  better  than  the  old  plan, 
but  by  1899  they  had  "outgrown  their  usefulness,"^  and  the  superin- 
tendent recommended  that  several  counties  combine  and  conduct 
a  normal  for  a  longer  period. 

In  the  year  in  which  the  state  was  restored  to  the  benefit  of  the 
Peabody  Fund  a  colored  normal  was  opened  at  Holly  Springs  and 
another  at  Tougaloo.^  In  1895  two  additional  colored  normals 
were  opened  for  teachers  in  other  parts  of  the  state.  Competent 
white  instructors  were  employed  in  these  normals.  The  course  of 
study  covered  four  weeks.  By  1899  there  were  eleven  Peabody  nor- 
mals running  in  the  state,  six  of  which  were  for  colored  teachers. 
They  received  from  the  fund  $2,800,  from  the  state,  $2,500,  and  a 
local  supplement  from  the  towns  in  which  the  normals  were  held.^ 
In  1897  there  were  1801  white  and  610  Negro  teachers  trained  in 
these  schools. 

By  1897  the  normals  and  county  institutes  had  been  worked  into 
a  system.^  First,  a  conductor's  institute  was  held  for  two  weeks 
at  some  central  location  where  thirty-six  picked  men  were  trained 
to  conduct  county  institutes;  second,  the  Peabody  summer  schools 
were  conducted  by  the  same  men  who  trained  the  conductors;  third, 
the  county  institutes  were  conducted  by  pairs  of  men  trained  in  the 
conductor's  school.  Two  institutes  were  conducted  in  the  county 
at  the  same  time,  one  for  each  race. 

Superintendent  Preston  seems  to  have  been  interested  in  improv- 
ing the  standards  of  colored  teachers.  In  his  report  (1894)  of  the 
Negro  normals  to  the  Peabody  trustees,  he  said:^ 

The  colored  race  was  amply  provided  for  this  year.  All  the  instructors 
were  white.  The  Negroes  themselves  prefer  competent  white  instructors. 
I  selected  the  instructors  with  great  care,  choosing  only  such  as  were  capable 
and  of  the  proper  spirit — men  who  believe  in  educating  the  Negro  race,  and 
are  willing  to  help  them  in  their  efforts.  The  Negroes  of  Mississippi  are 
making  good  progress.  Under  our  strict  uniform  examinations,  596  make 
first-grade  licenses.  There  is  no  end  to  the  persistency  with  which  they  seek 
to  better  their  qualifications  .  .  .In  one  county  I  found  seventeen  colored 
teachers  in  a  county  institute,  and  all  but  one  had  been  to  college.     .     . 

5  Report  of  Superintendent,  1898-1899,  p.  27. 

6  Proceedings,  Peabody  Fund  Trustees,  Vol.  V,  pp.  33,  91. 
^  Report  of  Superintendent,  1 898-1 899. 

*  Proceedings,  Peabody  Fund  Trustees,  Vol.  V,  p.  278. 
» Ibid.,  p.  91. 


84  Public  Schools  in  Mississippi 

They  teach  in  the  winter  and  attend  college  in  the  summer.    Their  persis- 
tency deserves  commendation,  and  is  bound  to  result  in  good  progress. 

The  state  institutions  were  in  the  meantime  contributing  their 
share  toward  the  education  of  the  Negro.  State  support  for  the 
Normal  Department  at  Tougaloo,  however,  was  withdrawn  by 
constitutional  prescription  in  1890.  Up  to  this  time  its  work 
seems  to  have  been  very  creditable. ^° 

The  attendance  at  the  State  Normal  College  at  Holly  Springs 
rose  from  162  in  1890  to  nearly  200  in  1900.  From  1877  to  1890  the 
annual  state  appropriation  had  been  $3,000.  In  1890,  however,  the 
appropriation  was  cut  to  $2,500.  A  two  years*  course  was  offered. 
The  catalog  of  1890  outlines  the  course  of  study  as  follows  :^^ 

FIRST  YEAR 

First  Term.  Rhetorical  reading;  history,  United  States;  arithmetic, 
written  and  mental;  geography,  political  and  physical;  algebra,  introduc- 
tory;  grammar;   written  spelling;   writing  and  drawing. 

Second  Term.  Rhetoric  and  composition;  civil  government;  physiology, 
natural  philosophy;    algebra;    geometry,  introductory;    drawing. 

SECOND  YEAR 

First  Term.  Geometry,  plane  and  solid;  trigonometry,  plane;  history, 
universal;  natural  history,  zoology;  chemistry;  theory  and  practice  of 
teaching. 

Second  Term.  Surveying  and  navigation;  geology;  botany;  mental  and 
moral  philosophy;    English  literature;    theory  and  practice  of  teaching. 

Practice  teaching  for  the  older  pupils  was  provided  by  the  organi- 
zation of  a  model  class  from  the  junior  students.  Vocal  and  instru- 
mental music  were  offered.  An  excerpt  from  the  report  of  the 
president  to  the  State  Department  indicates  the  character  of  the 
course  of  study  offered  in  the  later  nineties  i^^ 

The  literary  course  is  broad  and  thorough,  so  a  normal  student  has  a  good 
knowledge  of  English,  United  States  history,  the  natural  sciences,  and  mathe- 
matics; and  theory  and  practice  of  teaching,  history  of  education,  reforms 
of  eminent  teachers,  psychology,  and  a  short  course  in  Latin. 

1"  Message  of  Governor  Stone,  1892;   1894. 

"  Mayes:  History  of  Education  in  Mississippi,  p.  266.    Gives  an  account  of  this  insti- 
tution up  to  1890. 
"  Report  of  Superintendent,  1895-1897. 


Status  of  the  Teaching  Body  85 

Governor  Lowry  in  1884  had  characterized  Alcorn  Agricultural 
and  Mechanical  College  as  practically  a  normal  shool  for  the  colored 
race,  since  so  large  a  proportion  of  its  students  went  into  teaching. ^^ 
It  is  probably  true  that  a  large  number  of  its  graduates  continued 
to  become  teachers.  In  1890  there  were  seven  members  of  the 
faculty  and  two  hundred  and  forty-five  students.  Up  to  that  date, 
however,  there  had  been  only  forty-six  graduates.  Courses  were 
then  offered  in  mental  and  moral  philosophy,  English  literature, 
bookkeeping,  political  economy,  and  music,  in  addition  to  the 
sciences  and  the  industrial  subjects. ^^ 

From  1894  to  1898,  internal  dissensions  which  called  for  legislative 
interference,  decreased  the  efficiency  of  the  institution.  The  presi- 
dent was  dismissed,  a  new  man  was  installed  who  was  out  of  har- 
mony with  the  faculty,  and  friction  con  tinned. ^^  In  spite  of  these 
troubles  the  enrolment  reached  390  in  1897.  An  able  board  of 
trustees  in  1896  projected  a  thorough  reorganization  of  the  school, 
and  recommended  larger  appropriations  for  the  development  of  the 
industrial  department.  The  report  of  the  executive  committee  ^^ 
states  the  purpose  of  the  reorganization  in  the  following  terms : 

We  are  of  the  opinion  that  the  Negroes  can  be  best  aided  by  making  them 
skilled  laborers  in  every  line  of  industry.  To  do  this  we  must  have  better 
equipment,  and  for  that  purpose  especially  we  make  an  earnest  plea  for  an 
increased  appropriation. 

Governor  McLaurin  stated  in  1900  that  affairs  at  Alcorn  were 
now  harmonious  and  that  the  institution  was  a  "credit  to  the 
colored  race."^^ 

With  the  summer  normals,  the  county  institutes,  and  the  state 
institutions  directing  their  efforts  toward  the  development  of  the 
teaching  profession,  good  results  were  forthcoming.  The  state 
superintendent  in  1895  stated  ^^  that  in  ten  years  the  number  of 
first-grade  colored  teachers  rose  from  238  to  600,  so  that  at  that 
date  more  than  twenty  per  cent,  of  those  employed  in  colored  schools 
held  first-grade  certificates.     By  1901  the  number  of  first-grade 

"Senate  Journal,  1884,  p.  27,  Governor's  Message. 
"  Mayes:   History  of  Education  in  Mississippi,  p.  270. 
16  Senate  Journal,  1894,  p.  21;    1898,  p.  171. 

16  Report  of  Superintendent,  1895-1897.  p.  261. 

17  House  Journal,  1900,  p.  12,  Governor's  Message. 
"  Report  of  Superintendent,  1893-1895,  p.  36. 


86  Public  Schools  in  Mississippi 

teachers  had  risen  to  675,  representing  an  increase  of  a  little  more 
than  one  per  cent,  in  six  years;  so,  while  we  may  say  that  there  had 
been  progress,  the  advance  was  rather  slow. 

The  Status  of  the  Teaching  Body,  igoo-igio.  The  report  of  the 
state  superintendent  in  1903  asserted  that  ninety  per  cent,  of  the 
teachers  of  Mississippi  were  not  professionally  trained,  and  that 
seventy-five  per  cent,  had  never  attended  any  school  other  than  the 
rural  school.  ^^  The  only  professional  training  received  by  the  white 
teachers  of  the  state  was  that  provided  by  the  summer  normals,  the 
county  institutes  and  the  departments  of  pedagogy  in  the  state 
institutions.  The  work  done  in  the  summer  normals  consisted 
simply  of  a  review  of  the  common  branches,  and  the  study  of  a 
"standard  text-book  on  pedagogy."  They  were  conducted  by  skilled 
teachers  who  were  supposed  to  emphasize  the  practical  side  of  the 
work.  '^^ 

In  1899  eleven  white  normals  of  one  month  each  were  held. 
Colored  normals  were  held  at  Greenville,  Vicksburg,  New  Albany, 
Okolona,  Macon,  and  Newton.  The  normal  at  Vicksburg  was  this 
year  conducted  by  five  capable  white  men.  Courses  were  pursued 
in  grammar,  literature,  rhetoric,  physics,  physiology,  first-year 
Latin,  arithmetic,  geometry,  civil  government,  and  pedagogy.  The 
director  of  this  normal  recommended  that  Latin  be  not  attempted 
again  in  so  short  a  term.  The  representative  Negro  teachers  of  the 
state  were  present  at  this  normal,  and  they  organized  a  State 
Teachers'  Association  for  Negroes.  ^^ 

The  results  accomplished  in  the  county  institutes  were  disap- 
pointing. They  were  too  short  to  make  possible  a  review  of  the 
common  branches  and  at  the  same  time  to  arouse  interest  and  en- 
thusiasm in  educational  endeavor.  ^^  The  salaries  paid  rural  teachers 
were  so  small  that  they  did  not  feel  justified  in  attending.  Yet  the 
State  Department  thought  the  training  which  they  offered  was 
infinitely  better  than  none. 

An  elaborate  outline  of  studies  to  be  pursued  in  the  normals  was 
issued  from  the  state  office  in  1901.^^    It  contained  outlines  of  the 

19  Report  of  Superintendent,  1901-1903,  p.  8. 
^<>  Ibid.,  1 897-1 899,  p.  2. 

21  Ibid.,  1 897-1 899,  p.  2. 

22  Ibid.,  p.  27. 

^^  Ibid.,  1899-1901,  p.  159. 


Status  of  the  Teaching  Body  87 

following  subjects:  psychology,  school  management,  practical  ele- 
ments in  the  art  of  teaching,  elementary  work  (including  the  regular 
school  subjects),  nature  study,  literature,  story-telling,  drawing, 
physical  culture,  singing,  German,  geography.  United  States  his- 
tory, Mississippi  history,  civil  government,  written  and  mental 
arithmetic,  physics,  and  physiology.  The  wide  range  of  studies  here 
offered  does  not  indicate,  of  course,  that  all  these  subjects  were 
taught  in  all  the  schools. 

The  need  of  a  state  normal  school  for  white  teachers  had  been 
repeatedly  pointed  out  ever  since  the  establishment  of  the  public 
school  system.  The  legislature,  however,  could  never  be  induced  to 
establish  such  a  school.  It  was  only  in  191 1  that  a  bill  establishing 
such  a  school  was  finally  approved. 

In  1901,  Holly  Springs  State  Normal  School  had  a  building,  origi- 
nally worth  $12,000.  The  equipment  was  by  no  means  adequate 
to  accommodate  the  number  of  students  that  could  be  obtained. 
Between  two  and  three  hundred  students  were  in  attendance.  Three 
years  of  preparatory  work  were  offered  in  addition  to  the  two  years' 
normal  course.  The  president  claimed  that  the  curriculum  was 
"equal  to  that  of  an  ordinary  college  course,"  but  it  surely  did  not 
go  far  beyond  the  secondary  subjects.^*  The  foreign  languages  had 
been  abandoned,  and  emphasis  was  now  being  laid  on  psychology, 
educational  theory,  and  methods.  The  school  ceased  to  exist  in 
1904  when  the  legislature  refused  to  vote  an  appropriation  for  its 
support.  Since  1904  the  only  normal  training  provided  for  Negroes 
has  been  at  Alcorn,  in  the  private  institutions,  and  in  the  normals 
and  institutes.  Up  until  1901  there  had  been  nearly  two  hundred 
graduates  from  the  State  Normal  School,  and  the  president  had 
never  heard  of  one  who  had  been  convicted  of  a  serious  crime. 

Alcorn,  in  1907,  was  accommodating  over  five  hundred  students, 
and  the  attendance  was  limited  to  the  number  that  could  be  lodged. ^^ 
"Several  hundred"  were  being  turned  away.  Many  of  the  students 
were  mature  men»and  women  who  had  found  it  embarrassing  to 
continue  longer  in  the  public  schools.  A  nine-year  course  was  pro- 
vided, which  permitted  students  to  enter  from  the  fourth  grade. 
The  five-year  preparatory  course  was  also  called  a  normal  course. 
Not  over  twenty-five  per  cent,  of  those  who  completed  this  depart- 

"  Report  of  Superintendent,  1899-1901,  p,  24. 
"  Ibid.,  1905-1907,  p.  12. 


88 


Public  Schools  in  Mississippi 


ment  entered  the  college.  In  1906,  sixteen  graduated  from  the 
scientific  department  of  the  college,  sixty-five  from  the  preparatory 
(normal)  department,  and  fifteen  from  the  industrial  departments. 
It  is  clear  that  Alcorn  was  making  a  considerable  contribution  to  the 
teaching  profession,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  the  institution  was 
supposed  to  emphasize  the  agricultural  course. 

Having  now  considered  the  advantages  of  normal  training  offered 
to  the  teaching  body  in  Mississippi,  let  us  pass  to  a  consideration  of 
its  standing  from  the  point  of  view  of  qualifications  as  represented 
in  the  grade  of  certificate  issued.  Few,  if  any,  changes  had  been 
made  since  1892  in  the  requirements  for  the  different  grades  of  cer- 
tificate. After  1896,  doubtless  the  requirement  that  the  State  Board 
of  Examiners  examine  the  papers  of  applicants  for  state  license, 
tended  to  lift  the  standard  of  efficiency  of  the  teaching  body. 

From  the  statistical  tables  indicating  the  number  of  teachers  of 
each  race  and  grade,  found  in  the  Reports  of  the  State  Superinten- 
dent, the  author  has  computed  the  following  percentages: 


I 889-1 890 

1900- 

1 901^6 

I 909-1910 

GRADE 

White 

Colored 

White 

Colored 

White 

Colored 

First  grade 
Second  grade 
Third  grade 

61.7 

33-5 

4.9 

14.2 
45-9 
39.8 

83.7 
14.0 

1-9 

21.4 
39-3 
39.1 

91.4 

7.8 
1.4 

23.6 
24.7 
51.6 

So  far  as  the  status  of  the  Negro  teachers  of  Mississippi  is  con- 
cerned, there  is  but  one  conclusion  to  be  reached.  Their  efficiency, 
as  represented  by  the  grade  of  certificate  which  they  held,  indicates 
a  slight  improvement  during  the  eleven  years  between  1890  and 
1901,  and  a  very  decided  retrogression  during  the  nine  years  between 
1 90 1  and  191  o.  We  may  account  for  this  falling  back  in  a  number 
of  ways.  The  closing  of  the  Holly  Springs  Normal  School  undoubt- 
edly accounts  for  a  part  of  it.  The  Negro  schools  in  many  parts  of 
the  state  were  undoubtedly  demoralized  by  the  unfavorable  trend  of 
public  opinion,  and  were  able  less  easily  to  turn  out  efficient  teachers. 

'"Statistics  for  1899-1900  were  not  summarized  in  the  report  for  this  year. 


Status  of  the  Teaching  Body  89 

If  demoralization  is  reflected  in  the  grade  of  certificate  which  the 
teachers  were  using,  it  is  no  less  reflected  in  the  salaries  which  they 
were  earning.  In  1898,  the  salaries  of  white  teachers  ranged  from 
$16.00  in  Perry  and  $19.19  in  Jones,  to  $44.20  in  Coahoma  and 
$42  in  Sharkey .2^  Salaries  of  Negro  teachers  for  the  same  year 
ranged  from  $11.54  in  Clarke  and  $12.86  in  Grenada,  to  $26.68 
in  Sharkey  and  $26  in  Sunflower.  While  these  averages  were 
probably  inaccurate  in  some  instances,  they  indicate  fairly  well 
that  there  was  a  wide  diflference  between  the  amounts  paid  teachers 
in  one  part  of  the  state,  and  the  amounts  paid  teachers  in  other 
parts  of  the  state ;  they  indicate  also  that  there  was  a  wide  difference 
between  the  amounts  paid  Negro  teachers  and  the  amounts  paid 
white  teachers;  they  indicate,  further,  that  many  teachers,  white 
and  colored,  were  receiving  a  bare  living  wage,  if  so  much. 

The  table  indicating  the  average  salaries  paid  teachers  from  year 
to  year  (Statistical  Summary,  p.  141),  shows  that  the  average  salary 
of  white  teachers  in  the  rural  schools  rose  from  a  general  average 
for  the  entire  state  in  1901,  of  $30.64  to  $42.38  in  19 10;  it  shows 
that  during  the  same  interval  the  average  salary  for  Negro  teachers 
rose  from  $19.39  to  $20.52.  Such  an  advance  in  the  salaries  of 
white  teachers  has  not  a  parallel  in  any  other  decade  of  the  history 
of  the  schools.  Undoubtedly  there  had  been  a  tremendous  awaken- 
ing to  the  need  of  education  in  the  state.  That  the  Negro  schools 
did  not  to  any  appreciable  extent  share  the  benefits  of  this  awaken- 
ing, is  clearly  evident  from  these  figures.  If  Negro  teachers  de- 
served no  better  salaries  than  these,  they  certainly  represented  a 
very  low  degree  of  efficiency. 

In  conclusion,  the  very  best  picture  of  the  teaching  profession 
in  the  schools  for  Negroes,  is  not  a  bright  one.  If  the  tendency 
has  not  been  positively  backward,  it  has  certainly  not  been  forward. 
Having  lost  the  Normal  Department  in  Tougaloo  by  constitutional 
prescription  in  1890,  and  having  lost  the  State  Normal  School  at 
Holly  Springs  in  1904  by  failure  of  the  legislature  to  appropriate 
funds  for  its  support,  the  Negroes  have  left  them  as  the  only  insti- 
tution for  training  teachers,  an  institution  primarily  designed  for 
agricultural  and  industrial  instruction.  It  can  hardly  be  hoped 
that  the  meager  training  furnished  by  the  public  schools  will  pro- 
vide more  efficient  teachers  than  those  which  now  man  the  schools. 

*^  Report  of  Superintendent,  1 897-1 899,  Statistics. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

THE  DISTRIBUTION  OF  THE  COMMON 
SCHOOL  FUND 

Period  Between  1886  and  igoo.  The  common  school  fund  up  to 
1890  had  been  distributed  to  the  counties  in  proportion  to  the  num- 
ber of  educable  children.  The  poll  tax,  however,  had  not  been 
included  in  the  common  school  fund.  The  new  Constitution  made 
a  change  in  the  wording  of  the  section  on  this  subject,  which  very 
vitally  affected  Negro  education.  For  the  sake  of  clearness  it  will 
be  well  to  quote  the  section  as  it  was  adopted  by  the  Convention 
of  1890:1 

There  shall  be  a  common  school  fund  which  shall  consist  of  the  poll  tax 
(to  be  retained  in  the  counties  where  the  same  is  collected)  and  an  additional 
sum  from  the  general  fund  of  the  state  treasury,  which  together  shall  be 
sufficient  to  maintain  the  common  schools  for  the  term  of  four  months  in 
each  scholastic  year.  But  any  county  or  separate  school  district  may  levy 
an  additional  tax  to  maintain  its  schools  for  a  longer  time  than  four  months. 
The  common  school  fund  shall  be  distributed  among  the  several  counties 
and  separate  districts  in  proportion  to  the  number  of  educable  children  in 
each,  to  be  determined  from  data  collected  through  the  office  of  the  State 
Superintendent  of  Education,  in  the  manner  to  be  prescribed  by  law. 

At  first  sight  it  might  appear  that  such  a  law  would  furnish  an 
equitable  distribution  of  the  school  fund,  since  it  requires  the  rich  and 
prosperous  sections  of  the  state  to  lend  support  to  the  schools  in  the 
less  prosperous  sections.  In  Mississippi  conditions  have  been  such  as 
to  make  the  plan  prove  a  very  inequitable  means  of  distribution. 

The  situation  was  complicated  by  the  unequal  distribution  of 
the  population.  In  the  sparsely  settled  poor  counties  the  white  race 
predominated.  The  Negro  population  of  the  state  in  1890  was 
742,559;  of  this  number  401,639  were  concentrated  in  twenty-three 
counties,  in  the  ratio  of  362  to  every  100  whites.^     In  addition, 

1  Constitution  of  1890,  Section  206. 

2  United  States  Commissioner's  Report,  1900-1901,  Kelly  Miller:  The  Education  of  the 

Negro,  p.  741. 


Distribution  of  the  School  Fund  91 

191,420  Negroes  inhabited  sixteen  other  counties,  in  the  ratio  of 
130  to  every  100  whites.  This  accounts  for  593,059  out  of  the 
742,559,  or  nearly  eighty  per  cent.,  which  portion  of  the  population 
was  made  up  largely  of  tenants  on  the  rich  Delta  and  prairie  lands 
of  the  state,  outnumbering  the  whites  in  certain  counties  more  than 
eight  to  one.  Thus  the  section  of  the  state  on  which  the  common- 
wealth might  rely  to  defray  a  part  of  the  expense  of  maintaining 
schools  in  the  sparsely  settled  counties,  was  itself  burdened  with  a 
large  non-tax-paying  population. 

It  was  very  important  that  the  state  school  fund  be  equitably 
distributed  since  the  schools  at  this  time  were  drawing  a  large  part 
of  their  support  from  this  fund.  The  superintendent  in  1895  de- 
clared that  seventy-four  and  one-half  per  cent,  of  all  school  funds 
was  provided  by  the  poll  tax  and  the  state  distribution,  and  that 
only  about  fourteen  per  cent,  was  coming  from  local  taxation.^  The 
expenditures  for  all  educational  purposes  in  1 892-1 893  amounted 
to  $1,321,012,  or  the  equivalent  of  7.1  mills  on  the  total  assessed 
valuation  of  all  property.'*  For  this  year  Mississippi  led  all  southern 
states  in  this  particular,  and  stood  eighth  among  the  states  of  the 
Union.  Mississippi  was  thus  going  to  an  extreme  in  levying  a  state 
tax,  and  was  neglecting  to  encourage  the  local  units  to  help  them- 
selves. The  general  practice  of  the  majority  of  the  states  was  to 
levy  a  small  state  tax  and  thus  force  the  local  units  to  make  heavy 
levies  for  their  schools.  In  most  states  the  general  tax  did  not 
exceed  eighteen  per  cent.  From  the  facts  that  have  preceded  it 
may  readily  be  inferred  that  an  equitable  distribution  of  the  state 
school  fund  was  very  important. 

The  wording  of  Section  206  was  of  doubtful  meaning.  It  is  hard 
to  tell  whether  the  framers  of  the  section  intended  that  the  poll  tax 
should  be  left  in  the  counties,  and  only  the  state  fund  distributed 
according  to  the  number  of  educable  children,  or  whether  the  poll 
tax  was  to  be  combined  with  the  state  fund  and  the  whole  sum  dis- 
bursed in  this  way.  At  any  rate,  the  second  interpretation  was 
accepted,  and  the  poll  tax,  although  retained  in  the  counties,  was 
considered  a  part  of  the  state  distribution.  While  the  first  inter- 
pretation unquestionably  meant  a  more  equitable  distribution  of 
the  school  fund  among  the  tax-payers,  it  made  the  distribution  less 

'  Report  of  Superintendent,  1893-1895,  p.  24. 
*  Ibid.,  1891-1893,  p.  4. 


92  Public  Schools  in  Mississippi 

equitable  for  the  children,  white  and  colored.  The  interpretation 
which  was  accepted  therefore  worked  to  the  advantage  of  the 
Negro  schools — at  least  to  the  advantage  of  the  counties  in  which 
the  colored  race  was  dominant.    This  we  shall  understand  presently. 

The  year  1892-1893  was  marked  by  a  slump  of  7,527  in  the  enrol- 
ment of  the  whites  in  the  public  schools,^  and  by  an  increase  of  1,523 
in  the  enrolment  of  Negroes.  The  figures  for  average  attendance 
showed  a  similar  tendency.  First-grade  white  teachers  decreased 
361,  and  first-grade  Negro  teachers  decreased  jy,  119  white  and  96 
colored  schools  were  closed;  338  fewer  white  teachers,  and  87  fewer 
colored  teachers  were  employed  this  year  than  the  year  before; 
white  salaries  decreased  $45,275  and  Negro  salaries,  $20,341.  The 
whites  showed  a  decrease  in  all  items,  while  the  Negroes  showed 
marked  gains  in  some  instances. 

The  superintendent  assigned  as  the  reason  for  the  slump  the  un- 
just workings  of  Section  206  which  had  just  gone  into  effect,  but, 
since  the  figures  for  the  next  year  indicate  a  return  almost  to  normal 
enrolment,  attendance,  etc.,  it  is  doubtful  if  this  cause  operated  to 
the  extent  he  feared.  Nevertheless,  Mr.  Preston's  statistical  investi- 
gation of  the  inequality  of  the  means  of  distribution  is  of  interest 
just  here. 

He  pointed  out  that  in  Washington  and  Bolivar  Counties,  where 
the  Negroes  outnumbered  the  whites  more  than  eight  to  one,  the 
schools  were  run  seven  and  five  months  respectively;  whereas,  in 
Jones  and  Smith,  where  the  whites  outnumbered  the  blacks  five  to 
one,  Jones  had  had  a  term  of  sixty-five  days,  and  Smith  a  term  of 
seventy-seven,  or  considerably  less  than  four  months  each.  The 
average  salary  of  teachers  in  the  two  Delta  counties  had  been  about 
$37.00,  and  in  the  two  white  counties,  about  $16.00.  By  way  of 
summary,  he  said:^ 

In  many  of  the  white  counties,  where  the  population  is  sparse,  salaries  are 
so  meager  that  teachers  cannot  be  employed,  and  the  schools  of  many  dis- 
tricts are  not  taught  at  all,  while  in  others,  the  patrons  are  compelled  to 
supplement  the  salary  paid  by  the  county. 

In  the  biennial  reports  both  for  1 891-1893  and  for  1 893-1 895, 
the  statistical  studies  which  attempted  to  prove  the  inequality 
of  the  means  of  distribution  are  very  interesting.    The  chief  point 

^  Report  of  Superintendent,  1 891-1893,  p.  i. 
^  Ibid.,  p.  2. 


Distribution  of  the  School  Fund  93 

attacked  was  the  inequality  caused  by  considering  the  poll  tax  col- 
lected in  each  county  as  a  part  of  the  state  distribution.  The  super- 
intendent compared  statistical  data  collected  from  ten  'black  coun- 
ties' with  data  collected  from  ten  'white  counties'.  He  showed  that, 
according  to  the  current  plan,  the  white  counties  of  the  state  received 
more  from  the  school  fund  than  they  paid  into  it ;  that  a  large  part 
of  the  tax  which  they  paid  consisted  of  the  tax  on  white  polls ;  fur- 
ther, that  the  black  counties  paid  fewer  poll  taxes,  and,  in  propor- 
tion to  their  wealth,  contributed  little  toward  the  support  of  schools 
in  other  counties. 

Certain  conclusions  which  the  superintendent  drew,  aside  from 
proving  the  inequality  of  the  means  of  distribution,  throw  light 
upon  school  conditions  of  that  day.  It  will  be  well  to  quote  them 
in  full: 

The  white  counties  have  744  schools,  for  the  support  of  which  they  receive 
from  the  state  distribution  $89,463,  or  $120  for  each  school.  The  mean  aver- 
age term  of  schools  in  these  counties  is  89  days  for  the  country  schools,  and 
the  average  salary  per  month  for  teachers  of  both  races  is  $21.76.  The  aver- 
age salary  in  nine  of  these  counties  is  less  than  $22,  and  in  Pontotoc  $25.13, 
which  is  the  highest. 

The  black  counties  have  882  schools;  they  receive  for  each  $190;  have  a 
term  of  1 1 1  days,  and  pay  in  country  schools  an  average  salary  of  $29.95 — 
the  highest  being  $34  in  Bolivar. 

The  black  counties  have  40  per  cent,  longer  terms  and  pay  37  per  cent, 
better  salaries,  but  they  enrolled  64  pupils  to  each  school  while  the  white 
counties  enrolled  52  pupils. 

In  the  ten  black  counties  the  white  teachers  numbered  445  and  were  paid 
in  salaries  $101,320,  or  $288  apiece;  while  the  colored  teachers  numbered 
725  and  were  paid  $80,952,  or  $112  apiece. 

It  thus  appears  that  the  main  advantage  gained  by  the  black  counties 
accrues  to  the  white  children  thereof. 

There  are  three  factors  that  make  it  cheaper  to  maintain  schools  in  the 
black  counties,  viz.,  fewer  first-grade  teachers,  larger  schools  to  the  teacher, 
a  lower  percentage  of  pupils  in  average  attendance. 

In  concluding  his  investigation,  the  superintendent  recommended 
an  amendment  to  the  constitution^  to  remedy  the  situation.  His 
plan  was  to  cut  the  amount  of  the  state  distribution  to  a  three- 
months'  allowance,  and  to  force  the  counties  to  levy  for  the  support 
of  their  schools  an  amount  not  less  than  one-fifth  of  the  state  appor- 

'  Report  of  Superintendent,  1893-1895,  p.  30. 


94  Public  Schools  in  Mississippi 

tionment.  From  the  fund  thus  raised  counties  were  to  be  required 
to  maintain  schools  for  four  months.  The  plan  contemplated  the 
raising  of  the  school  fund  by  a  two-dollar  poll  tax  (to  be  retained 
in  the  counties),  by  a  two-mill  ad  valorem  tax,  and  by  setting  aside 
one-half  the  state  revenues  derived  from  the  taxation  of  railroads. 

It  seems  to  have  been  generally  conceded,  even  by  those  who 
wished  the  Negro  to  have  every  opportunity  for  education,  that 
the  provision  for  the  distribution  of  the  school  fund  furnished  by 
Section  206,  was  partial  and  unfair.  The  superintendent  pleaded 
with  the  legislature  of  1892  to  submit  an  amendment  to  the  people. 
Such  an  amendment  was  reported  favorably  in  the  House,  but  failed 
to  receive  the  constitutional  majority  required  to  pass  It.^  In  1894, 
an  amendment  passed  the  third  reading  In  the  House  by  a  vote  of 
82  to  19,  and  was  lost  In  the  Senate  20  to  19.^  In  1896,  Governor 
Stone  recommended  an  amendment  which  would  require  the 
counties  to  assist  In  the  support  of  the  schools.  In  this  he  seems  to 
have  concurred  with  the  state  superintendent.  The  same  year  a 
Senate  Concurrent  Resolution  to  amend  Section  206  so  as  to  impose 
an  ad  valorem  tax  of  two  mills,  passed  the  Senate  by  a  vote  of 
33  to  II,  but  was  lost  in  the  House  by  51  to  46.^°  An  unsuccessful 
attempt  was  made  in  the  Senate  to  amend  the  measure  just  men- 
tioned, so  as  to  provide  for  the  division  of  the  school  funds  between 
the  races  In  proportion  to  the  amount  of  taxes  paid  by  each.  In 
1900  four  bills  were  before  the  Senate  offering  to  amend  the  section. 
One  was  Indefinitely  postponed ;  one  failed  to  pass ;  one  was  with- 
drawn; one  never  came  to  a  vote.^^  Attempts  to  amend  the  sec- 
tion have  been  made  during  almost  every  succeeding  session  of  the 
legislature. 

From  the  above  survey  it  is  clear  that  the  legislature  would  have 
adopted  a  different  plan  of  distribution  If  a  plurality  vote  could 
have  secured  an  amendment  to  the  constitution.  The  texts  of  the 
various  amendments  which  were  proposed  have  never  been  pub- 
lished, so  we  have  no  means  of  determining  to  what  extent  these  sug- 
gestions would  have  affected  the  education  of  the  Negro.  We  know, 
however,  that  the  suggestion  to  divide  the  school  fund,  placed  before 

"  House  Journal,  1892,  p.  804. 

®  Senate  Journal,  1894,  p.  253. 

10  Ihid.,  1896,  S.  C.  R.  Nos.  5  and  11. 

"  Ihid.,  1900,  p.  730. 


Distribution  of  the  School  Fund  95 

the  Senate  in  1896,  would  have  been  a  sore  discrimination  against 
Negro  schools. 

Superintendent  Preston,  after  a  period  of  service  covering  ten 
strenuous  years,  was  succeeded  in  1896  by  A.  A.  Kincannon.  Mr. 
Kincannon  shared  Mr.  Preston's  views  in  regard  to  the  education 
of  the  Negro  and  the  inequality  of  the  present  means  of  distribu- 
tion.   His  position  is  defined  in  the  following  quotation  i^^ 

The  evil  effects  of  Section  206  are  causing  grave  unrest  with  many  tax- 
payers and  with  many  thoughtful  citizens  of  the  state.  Smarting  under  the 
impositions  of  this  section,  some  have  unwisely  suggested  that  this  method 
of  apportionment  be  so  modified  that  the  school  fund  shall  be  divided  be- 
tween the  races  according  to  the  tax  money  paid  by  each  race.  To  the  con- 
servative man  this  proposition  is  not  only  unwise  but  dangerous.  The  propo- 
sition to  divide  the  school  funds  according  to  the  taxes  paid  by  the  two  races 
of  the  state,  followed  to  its  logical  conclusion,  means  that  the  poor  man  shall 
have  only  such  educational  advantages  as  he  provides  by  taxing  himself. 

The  new  superintendent's  remedy  for  the  situation  was  substan- 
tially the  same  as  that  of  his  predecessor.  He  would  have  the  poll 
tax  retained  in  the  counties  and  supplemented  by  the  state  and  local 
levies  to  an  amount  sufficient  to  run  the  schools  at  least  four 
months.  H.  L.  Whitfield,  who  succeeded  Mr.  Kincannon  in  office 
in  September,  1898,  also  held  this  view.^^ 

The  Distribution  of  the  Common  School  Fund  {1900-1901).  The 
agitation  to  secure  a  more  equitable  distribution  of  the  school  fund, 
by  a  substitution  or  an  amendment  of  Section  206  of  the  Constitu- 
tion, reached  fever  heat  about  1900.  The  press  of  the  state,  espe- 
cially in  the  white  counties,  was  alive  on  the  subject.^*  State  Senator 
Rowan,  who  in  1896  had  offered  a  resolution  proposing  a  division 
of  the  school  fund  between  the  races,  waged  a  newspaper  controversy 
with  Major  W.  H.  Gibbs,  also  a  legislator,^^  in  which  Rowan  con- 
tended that  he  was  not  opposed  to  the  education  of  the  Negro,  but 
to  heavy  taxes;  hence  he  favored  a  division  of  the  school  funds  on 
the  basis  of  the  amount  of  tax  paid  by  each  race.  Gibbs  replied 
that  it  was  unjust  and  very  poor  politics  thus  to  break  up  the 
schools  for  Negroes,  and  disturb  the  harmony  existing  between  the 
races. 

"  Report  of  Superintendent,  1898-1899,  p.  30. 

"  Ibid.,  p.  10. 

^*  Clarion  Ledger,  December  7,  1899;   January  18,  1900. 

"  Ibid.,  December  14,  16,  1899. 


96  Public  Schools  in  Mississippi 

So  strong  had  public  sentiment  become  that  Governor  Longino 
felt  constrained  to  forestall  radical  action  on  the  subject  by  dis- 
cussing it  in  his  inaugural  address.^®    He  said  in  part: 

There  has  been  some  urgent  insistence  for  the  submission  by  this  legisla- 
ture of  an  amendment  to  the  state  Constitution  to  provide  for  the  distribution 
of  the  free  school  funds  between  the  white  and  Negro  schools  of  the  state,  so 
as  to  give  the  benefits  thereof  to  each  race  in  proportion  to  the  school  taxes 
which  each  pays  .  .  .Its  effect,  which  would  be  to  take  school  benefits 
largely  from  Negro  children,  would  be  contrary  to  that  broad  philanthropic 
spirit  that  has  moved  the  great  common  heart  of  Christian  man  and  woman- 
hood of  Mississippi  to  a  love  of  justice  and  fair  play  toward  the  weak  and 
needy.    .    . 

The  Governor  favored  an  amendment  which  would  cause  the 
fund  to  be  distributed  on  the  basis  of  average  attendance  in  the 
schools. 

Five  concurrent  resolutions,  having  as  their  object  the  amend- 
ment of  Section  206,  were  introduced  in  the  House  in  1900.  One  of 
these  proposed  to  have  the  school  fund  divided  on  the  basis  of  the 
amount  of  the  tax  paid  by  each  race.  All  were  reported  adversely 
either  by  the  Committee  on  Constitution,  or  by  the  Committee  on 
Education.^^  Four  similar  bills  were  before  the  Senate  at  this  ses- 
sion, but  only  one  seems  to  have  come  to  a  vote. 

Major  Vardaman,  candidate  for  the  governorship  in  1903,  made 
a  campaign  issue  of  the  division  of  the  school-  fund.  His  position,  to 
state  it  briefly,  was  that  the  money  formerly  spent  on  the  education 
of  the  Negro  had  been  wasted,  inasmuch  as  no  improvement  could 
be  noted  in  the  moral  nature  of  the  Negro.^^  To  use  Mr.  Vardaman's 
own  words,  "His  civilization  veneer  lasts  just  as  long  as  he  remains 
in  contact  with  the  white  man.  Then  why  squander  money  on  his 
education  when  the  only  effect  is  to  spoil  a  good  field  hand  and 
make  an  insolent  cook."  He  advocated  the  amendment  of  Section 
206,  so  as  to  leave  the  distribution  of  the  school  funds  entirely  in  the 
hands  of  the  legislature.^^ 

The  legislature  of  1904  wrote  into  the  constitution  an  amend- 
ment ^^  to  Section  206,  which  provided  for  the  retention  of  the  poll 

1*  Senate  Journal,  1900,  p.  93. 
1^  House  Journal,  1900,  p.  326. 

18  Times-Democrat,  report  of  Crystal  Springs  Chautauqua  speech,  July  23,  1903. 

19  Inaugural  Address,  Senate  Journal,  1904,  p.  123;    1908,  p.  10. 

20  Laws  of  1904,  Chap.  173. 


Distribution  of  the  School  Fund  97 

tax  in  the  counties.  The  framers  of  the  constitution  seem  to  have 
intended  that  this  tax  be  kept  in  the  counties  and  not  considered 
a  part  of  the  state  distribution,  but  a  faulty  wording  of  Section  206 
prevented  their  intentions  from  being  carried  out.  Ever  since  1895 
attempts  had  been  made  to  rectify  the  error  but  a  constitutional 
majority  could  never  be  secured  in  the  legislature. 

Messrs.  Noel  and  Critz,  representing  what  was  known  in  the  news- 
papers as  the  conservative  element,  were  defeated  for  the  guber- 
natorial nomination  by  Vardaman  in  1903.  This  seemed  to  give 
the  endorsement  of  the  state  to  Vardaman's  plan  for  distributing 
the  school  fund,  but  the  issue  was  not  pressed.  Noel,  who  was 
again  a  candidate  in  1907,  was  elected,  and,  in  his  inaugural  address, 
expressed  his  approval  of  a  plan  to  distribute  the  fund  on  the  basis 
of  average  attendance.^^  An  amendment  proposing  such  a  means  of 
distribution  was  introduced  in  the  House,  but  was  lost  along  with 
eight  other  bills  which  had  in  view  the  amendment  of  Section  206. 
The  Committee  on  Constitution  reported  unfavorably  seven  such 
bills  in  one  day.^^  Three  such  bills  got  an  unfavorable  report  in  the 
Senate.  The  bill  which  gained  the  largest  following  in  the  House 
during  this  session  was  House  Concurrent  Resolution  No.  i,  which 
proposed  to  create  a  "county  school  fund,  a  state  school  fund,  and 
a  state  common  school  fund."  This,  however,  was  finally  tabled, 
and  when  brought  up  before  the  next  legislature  was  defeated  by  a 
large  majority.  An  attempt  to  amend  Section  206  was  successful 
enough  to  reach  a  vote  in  the  Senate  in  1910,  but  failed  to  pass. 

These  successive  and  persistent  attempts  to  amend  Section  206, 
covering  as  they  have  nearly  twenty  years,  indicate  widespread 
discontent  with  the  constitutional  method  of  distributing  the  school 
fund.  Four  governors  and  three  state  superintendents  were  pro- 
nounced in  their  opposition.  The  legislature,  however,  seems  to 
have  been  averse  to  making  a  change.  The  only  amendment  which 
was  ever  made,  was  a  slight  change  which  required  that  the  poll 
tax  should  henceforth  be  retained  in  the  counties,  and  should  not 
form  a  part  of  the  state  distribution.  The  prolonged  agitation  of 
the  question  undoubtedly  caused  public  sentiment  to  be  kindled 
against  the  education  of  the  Negro. 

21  Senate  Journal,  1908,  p.  167. 

22  House  Journal,  1908,  p.  372. 


CHAPTER  IX 
THE  CURRICULUM 

Period  Between  1886  and  igoo.  The  revised  school  laws  of  1886 
state  that  the  subjects  required  for  teachers*  examinations  should 
constitute  the  course  of  study. ^  The  law  of  1878  with  respect  to 
teachers'  examinations  was  modified  to  some  extent.  "The  higher 
branches  of  English  literature"  and  bookkeeping  requirements  were 
eliminated,  and  in  their  places  were  substituted  English  composi- 
tion, physiology,  and  mental  arithmetic.  In  this  connection  it  is 
interesting  to  note  that  when  the  new  school  law  came  before  the 
state  Senate  2  in  1886  it  failed  to  pass,  chiefly  because  of  a  clause 
requiring  physiology  to  be  taught  with  "special  reference  to  the 
effects  of  alcoholics  upon  the  human  system."  Several  days  later, 
however,  the  troublesome  clause  was  pruned  out  and  the  bill  passed 
by  a  good  majority. 

The  school  reformers  had  to  wait  until  1892  to  get  the  clause  with 
reference  to  alcoholics  incorporated  into  law.^  The  revision  of  the 
law  provided  for  in  the  Annotated  Code  of  1892,  offered  an  oppor- 
tunity not  only  for  this  addition  but  also  for  the  introduction  of  two 
other  statutory  subjects,  Mississippi  history  and  civil  government. 

The  teaching  of  United  States  history  since  Reconstruction  days 
had  been  watched  by  the  lovers  of  the  old  South  with  jealous  atten- 
tion. If  the  history  used  in  the  schools  treated  the  Civil  War  from 
the  northern  point  of  view,  it  found  instant  condemnation.  By 
statute  of  1890,^  the  state  superintendent,  the  attorney  general, 
and  the  governor  were  named  as  a  committee  to  examine  history 
texts  and  to  place  their  approval  upon  such  as  were  deemed  suit- 
able for  use  in  the  schools  of  the  state. 

Perhaps  one  of  the  best  means  of  determining  the  upper  limits 
of  the  course  of  study  in  Negro  schools  will  be  an  investigation  of  the 
entrance  requirements  of  such  institutions  as  Alcorn  and  Holly 

iLaws  of  1886.  Chap.  XXIV,  Sections  49-53. 
2  Senate  Journal,  1886,  pp.  516,  561. 
'Annotated  Code  of  1892,  4016-4018. 
<Laws  of  1890,  Chap.  74. 


The  Curriculum  99 

Springs  State  Normal.  Institutions  of  this  type  are  forced  to  place 
their  course  within  reach  of  the  public  schools.  In  1888  we  find  that 
Alcorn  ^  was  requiring  all  applicants  for  entrance  to  stand  an  exami- 
nation on  White's  Intermediate  Arithmetic,  Swinton's  Fourth 
Reader,  Monteith's  Manual  of  Geography,  and  Swinton's  Word-Book. 
In  other  words,  fourth-  or  fifth-grade  preparation  would  secure 
admittance.  For  admission  to  the  State  Normal,  preparation 
slightly  more  advanced  than  this  was  required.  Judging  from 
these  facts  we  may  fix  the  upper  limits  of  public  school  instruction 
for  Negroes  somewhere  near  the  fourth  or  fifth  grade.  It  is  highly 
probable  that  only  the  more  "promising  lads"  got  this  far. 

By  1890  the  law  requiring  uniform  texts  in  each  county  seems  to 
have  been  observed  with  a  fair  degree  of  satisfaction.  In  order  to 
convey  an  idea  of  the  popularity  of  certain  texts  the  following  figures 
have  been  tabulated  from  the  report  of  the  state  superintendent :  ^ 

Swinton's  Word-Book  was  used  in  twenty-eight  counties. 

McGuffey's  Readers  in  twenty-six. 

Maury's  Geography  in  thirty-three. 

Robinson's  Mental  Arithmetic  in  fifty-seven. 

Robinson's  Practical  Arithmetic  in  forty-seven. 

Reed  and  Kellogg's  Grammar  in  thirty-eight. 

Reed  and  Kellogg's  Composition  in  seventeen. 

Chambers'  History  in  forty-six. 

Steele's  Physiology  in  forty-six. 

Steele's  Natural  Philosophy  in  sixty-one. 

To  one  familiar  with  these  text-books  the  nature  of  the  curriculum 
is  apparent.  McGuflfey's  Readers  with  their  stories  with  a  moral 
purpose,  and  Robinson's  Arithmetics  with  their  superfluous  rules, 
and  problems  involving  the  length  of  time  it  would  take ^,  ^,  and  C 
to  do  a  piece  of  work — good  old-fashioned  texts,  dog-eared  with  ser- 
vice since  1870 — were  still  holding  their  own.  Swinton's  Word- 
Book,  however,  with  its  "Tough  Enough  Lesson"  and  others  rivaling 
it  in  toughness,  was  now  taking  the  place  of  Webster's  "old  blue- 
back  speller."  Coming  in  with  the  nineties,  the  innovation  of  dia- 
grams in  Reed  and  Kellogg's  Grammar  captivated  teachers  on  the 
verge  of  despair  over  the  inability  of  pupils  to  comprehend  the 
abstract  formality  of  old-time  grammar.     Along  with  the  newer 

6  Report  of  Superintendent,  1888-1889,  p.  392. 
^  Ibid.,  1890-1891,  p.  457. 


100  Public  Schools  in  Mississippi 

texts  appeared  also  Steele's  Physiology  with  its  catalog  of  bones 
and  terrible  story  of  the  effect  of  alcohol  upon  the  tissues  of  the 
body.  Steele's  Natural  Philosophy,  a  forerunner  of  the  recently 
organized  general  science  course,  was  generally  popular.  On  the 
whole,  we  may  say  that,  although  still  very  formal,  there  were 
evidences  oi  improvement  in  the  nature  of  the  curriculum. 

It  can  hardly  be  gainsaid  that  arithmetic  and  grammar  domi- 
nated the  curriculum  of  this  period.  Much  stress  seems  to  have  been 
placed  upon  solving  complicated  problems  in  percentage,  square 
and  cube  root,  and  mensuration.  In  the  Outlines  for  Institutes  and 
in  the  uniform  examination  ^  questions,  published  in  the  superin- 
tendent's reports,  there  seems  to  have  been  an  effort  to  make  the 
work  in  arithmetic  serve  a  practical  purpose,  but  it  is  very  doubt- 
ful if  the  instruction  deviated  far  into  the  practical.  The  work  in 
mental  arithmetic  consisted  in  the  solving  of  problems  in  the  funda- 
mental processes,  fractions,  profit  and  loss,  discount,  and  interest, 
according  to  a  formal  'model  analysis'. 

Grammar  and  composition  were  of  a  most  formal  character.  Here 
is  a  question  in  the  examination  on  composition  in  1886:^  "Write 
a  composition  of  ten  lines  on  cotton,  using  it  in  a  compound,  com- 
plex, a  declarative,  an  interrogative,  and  an  imperative  sentence." 
Composition  as  an  art  seems  seldom  to  have  been  taught.  Instruc- 
tion in  composition  consisted  of  a  study  of  style,  figures  of  speech, 
and  the  forms  of  discourse.  It  must  be  admitted,  however,  that 
some  attention  was  paid  to  letter  writing — ^just  how  much,  it  is 
hard  to  say.  In  grammar,  parsing  and  diagraming,  leading  to  famil- 
iarity with  the  parts  of  speech  and  with  syntax,  furnished  the  basis 
of  the  course. 

In  the  teaching  of  geography,  the  Outlines  for  Institutes  indicate 
commendable  progress  in  method.  Under  the  heading,  "Things  to 
be  Avoided  in  Studying  Geography"  the  Outlines  list  the  following: 

a.   Memorizing  the  text-books. 

h.   Giving  too  much  time  to  things  of  little  importance  to  the  pupil. 

c.  Failure  to  give  due  attention  to  those  places  and  things  of  prime  impor- 
tance; such  as;  i.  Great  commercial  and  manufacturing  centers.  2.  Places 
of  historical  importance.  3.  Rivers  valuable  to  commerce.  4.  Mountain 
ranges  and  ocean  currents,  as  modifying  the  climate  and  commerce  of 
countries. 

'  Report  of][Superintendent,  1886-188 7. 

8  Ibid.,  1886-1887,  Outlines  for  Institutes;  examination  questions. 


The  Curriculum  '  '  tot 

It  was  also  suggested  that  the  pupil  be  made  thoroughly  familiar 
with  the  geography  of  his  state  and  community.  It  must  be  remem- 
bered, however,  that  the  Outlines  represent  the  most  advanced 
theory,  and  that  possibly  only  the  best  teachers  in  the  most  pro- 
gressive communities  even  attempted  to  put  them  into  practice. 

The  social  and  civic  value  of  United  States  history  seems  scarcely 
to  have  been  comprehended.  The  introduction  of  civil  government 
in  1892,  however,  indicates  that  there  was  a  conscious  striving 
toward  the  ideal  of  good  citizenship. 

As  early  as  1886  teachers  were  interested  in  the  discussion  of 
the  relative  merits  of  the  phonic,  word  and  alphabetic  methods  of 
teaching  reading.  The  Outlines  suggest  that  some  attention  be 
paid  to  silent  reading.  Under  the  lax  system  of  supervision  in  the 
rural  schools  it  is  doubtful  if  new  theories  gained  very  wide  ac- 
ceptance. The  alphabetic  method  was  certainly  in  use  until  quite 
recently. 

From  the  Outlines  for  Institutes,  from  the  examination  ques- 
tions, and  from  the  texts  that  were  used,  we  get  but  an  imperfect 
idea  of  what  was  actually  done  in  the  schools.  If  white  rural 
communities  have  been  backward  and  loath  to  exchange  old-fash- 
ioned ideas  and  practices  for  new,  we  may  be  sure  that  the  Negro 
communities  with  no  supervision,  and  with  little  light  to  illuminate 
a  new  pathway,  have  been  even  more  inclined  to  remain  in  the  ruts. 
Formal  instruction  in  reading,  writing,  arithmetic,  and  spelling,  with 
possibly  a  smattering  of  United  States  history,  geography  and  physi- 
ology, represents  about  what  the  Negro  schools  had  to  offer  the 
colored  youth  of  Mississippi. 

The  Curriculum  from  igoo  to  igio.  The  opening  of  the  new  cen- 
tury found  the  curriculum  still  formal,  and  directed  chiefly  toward 
a  disciplinary  end.  Arithmetic  and  grammar  were  still  at  the  head. 
The  Outlines  for  Institutes  which  appeared  in  1901  ^  stated  the  aim 
of  arithmetic  as  follows:  "The  cultivation  of  the  power  to  reason 
and  the  formation  of  the  habit  of  accurate  and  rapid  calculation 
are  the  two  great  motives  in  the  teaching  of  arithmetic.*'  Of  the 
aim  of  grammar  the  Outlines  said:  "The  primary  purpose  of  the 
study  of  grammar  is  the  excellent  mental  discipline  its  study  fur- 
nishes; of  the  secondary  purposes,  the  acquirement  of  knowledge 
for  the  basis  of  other  language  teaching  is  the  more  important, 

9  Report  of  Superintendent,  1900-1901,  pp.  166,  173. 


102*  '  '     '     *^     Public  Schools  in  Mississippi 

while  least  important  of  all  is  the  acquirement  of  knowledge  for 
guidance  in  speaking  and  writing."  These  statements  indicate  the 
formal  character  of  the  instruction  of  the  day. 

But  the  leaven  of  progress  was  at  work.  A  decided  tendency 
toward  the  enrichment  of  the  program  of  studies  is  discernible  in 
the  same  pages  which  voice  the  foregoing  disciplinary  ideals.  Nature 
study,  story-telling,  singing,  physical  culture,  busy  work  in  clay, 
drawing,  cutting  and  folding  paper,  make  their  appearance  in  the 
Outlines.  It  is  probable,  however,  that  these  subjects  were  inci- 
dental and  that  they  claimed  little  of  the  time  heretofore  devoted 
to  the  formal  subjects.  Surely  they  were  not  taught  in  all  schools; 
more  likely  they  found  their  way  but  slowly  into  even  the  best 
schools.  We  may  observe  in  this  connection  that  the  principle  of 
correlation  was  accepted,  particularly  in  the  case  of  geography, 
nature  study,  reading,  language,  spelling,  and  history. 

There  began  to  develop  at  this  time  a  deepening  consciousness 
that  the  schools  were  designed  to  serve  the  immediate  needs  of  the 
people.  The  recognition  of  the  fact  that  the  problem  of  education 
in  Mississippi  is  mainly  the  problem  of  making  the  rural  masses 
socially  efficient,  was  gaining  headway.  A  committee  of  five, 
appointed  in  1901  by  the  State  Teachers'  Association, ^°  reported 
in  1903  a  very  elaborate  and  revolutionary  plan  for  the  reorganiza- 
tion of  education.  The  report,  which  is  perhaps  the  most  impor- 
tant educational  document  in  the  recent  history  of  the  state, 
attacked  the  traditional  curriculum  because  of  its  failure  to  func- 
tion in  the  lives  of  the  people.  At  least  four  important  changes 
were  recommended. 

1.  That  the  amount  of  time  and  attention  devoted  to  arithmetic 
should  be  reduced  by  eliminating  the  distinction  between  'practical' 
and  'mental'  arithmetic  and  by  consolidating  the  two  separate  sub- 
jects into  one.  By  applying  the  knife  to  the  old  text  and  eliminating 
involution,  evolution,  allegation,  progressions,  permutations,  foreign 
exchange,  etc.,  the  committee  hoped  to  do  away  with  much  use- 
less matter,  and  to  save  much  time  for  practical  study. 

2.  That  the  study  of  composition  should  be  made  more  practical. 
It  was  freely  acknowledged  that  grammar  had  failed  to  function  in 
conversation  and  writing,  and  that  formal  instruction  in  composi- 
tion, such  as  had  heretofore  been  given,  had  accomplished  little. 

*°  Report  of  Superintendent,  1901-1903,  p.  82. 


The  Curriculum  103 

The  committee  recommended  that  language  lessons  be  intro- 
duced into  the  elementary  course,  and  that  more  attention  be 
devoted  to  the  art  of  speaking  and  writing. 

3.  That  sight-singing,  free-hand  drawing,  and  manual  training 
be  introduced  wherever  possible.  Attention  to  these  subjects,  how- 
ever, was  not  stressed  by  the  committee. 

4.  That  natural  philosophy  be  dropped  from  the  list  of  statutory 
subjects  and  that  the  elements  of  agriculture  be  inserted  in  its 
place.  This  is  perhaps  the  most  important  change  that  was  sug- 
gested. By  way  of  explaining  its  attitude  toward  this  subject,  the 
report  says : 

It  is  evident  that  the  course  of  study  in  this  state  needs  readjustment  in 
order  to  bring  it  into  touch  with  its  surroundings  and  in  order  to  adapt  it  to 
the  needs  of  rural  life.  Mississippi  is  predominantly  an  agricultural  state  and 
must  always  remain  so,  as  her  only  natural  resource  is  found  in  her  soil.  The 
prosperity  of  the  state  is  directly  dependent  upon  the  development  of  her 
agricultural  interests.  The  education  of  the  country  boy  and  girl  should 
awaken  an  intelligent  interest  in  the  things  immediately  about  them.  .  . 
It  should  make  evident  to  them  that  a  trained  intelligence  brought  to  bear 
upon  the  problems  of  farm  life  is  a  necessity  for  the  highest  success.  The 
child  should  be  taught  to  appreciate  the  beauty  and  independence  of  coun- 
try life  and  be  satisfied  with  it. 

This  final  suggestion  of  the  committee  met  with  a  favorable  recep- 
tion and  we  find  it  incorporated  into  law  in  the  Annotated  Code  of 
1906.^^  Dating  from  this  report  there  has  been  an  ever-increasing 
tendency  toward  the  adaptation  of  the  curriculum  to  meet  the  needs 
of  the  people.  This  tendency  is  perhaps  not  so  evident  in  changes 
in  the  course  of  study  as  it  is  in  the  methods  employed,  in  the 
broadening  range  of  school  activities,  and  in  the  general  spirit  of 
the  school.  The  organization  of  corn  clubs  among  school  boys  re- 
ceived a  substantial  backing  when  in  1908  the  county  supervisors 
were  authorized  by  law  ^^  to  appropriate  fifty  dollars  in  prizes  to 
the  work.  Sanitation  and  hygiene  were  in  the  meantime  being  pro- 
moted by  the  efforts  of  a  field  agent  of  the  School  Improvement 
Association.^' 

To  what  extent  did  the  progressive  spirit  of  the  new  century 
enter  into  the  Negro  schools?    We  may  be  sure  that  the  statutory 

"  Annotated  Code  of  1906,  4543. 

12  Laws  of  1908,  Chap.  104. 

"Report  of  Superintendent,  1909-1911,  p.  8. 


104  Public  Schools  in  Mississippi 

subjects  were  introduced  into  the  schools,  but  whether  they  were 
capably  taught  is  another  matter.  The  state  supervisor  of  rural 
schools  in  191 1  reported  that  ^^  fully  seventy-five  per  cent,  of  all 
rural  schools  were  one-teacher  schools,  in  which  the  teachers  were 
required  to  hear  on  an  average  of  thirty  recitations  a  day.  In  the 
crowded  Negro  schools  we  may  easily  infer  that  conditions  were  not 
at  all  favorable  for  instruction.  Agriculture,  hygiene,  and  language 
study,  the  subjects  most  needed  by  the  Negroes,  must  have  been 
poorly  taught  at  best.  Besides,  since  these  subjects  are  usually 
taught  in  the  upper  grades,  and  very  few  pupils  remained  long  in 
school,  few  received  instruction  in  them.  Corn  club  activities,  and 
activities  such  as  were  conducted  by  the  School  Improvement 
Association,  only  in  rare  instances,  if  ever,  were  allied  with  Negro 
schools. 

Elsewhere  in  this  treatise  I  have  quoted  statements  ^^  which  indi- 
cate the  position  of  Senator  Vardaman  with  reference  to  the  curricu- 
lum of  the  Negro  schools.  He  expressed  the  opinion  that  literary 
education  had  in  no  way  improved  the  character  of  the  Negro,  and 
suggested  that  the  state  revise  its  plan  and  "educate  his  heart  and 
his  hands,  give  him,  if  possible,  a  moral  basis  to  build  upon."^^  He 
did  not  suggest,  however,  the  details  of  a  curriculum  for  attaining 
this  purpose.  The  only  important  suggestion  that  has  been  offered 
for  a  reorganization  along  these  lines  is  one  to  be  found  in  the 
Address  of  the  President  of  the  State  Teachers'  Association  in  1905.^^ 
It  was  here  proposed  to  limit  the  course  of  study  in  Negro  schools 
on  its  intellectual  side  to  the  'three  R's',  and  to  provide  ample 
training  along  industrial  and  moral  lines.  The  president  character- 
ized the  attempt  to  give  high  school  or  classical  education  to  the 
Negro  as  "giving  a  stone  to  him  who  asks  for  bread." 

These  suggestions  have  not  borne  fruit.  The  same  curriculum  is 
used  in  both  white  and  colored  schools.  The  'three  R's'  constitute 
the  basis,  as  they  always  have,  and,  because  of  the  fact  that  Negro 
children  drop  out  of  school  early,  very  few  get  more  than  an  imper- 
fect knowledge  of  even  these  subjects. 

**  Report  of  Superintendent  1909-1911,  p.  8. 

^^  See  page  no. 

"  House  Journal,  1904,  p.  840, 

"  Proceedings,  State  Teachers'  Association,  1905,  p.  27. 


CHAPTER  X 

PUBLIC  SENTIMENT  IN  REGARD  TO  THE  EDUCATION 
OF  THE  NEGRO  SINCE  1886 

Public  Sentiment,  1886  to  igoo.  The  sentiment  of  the  leading 
citizens  of  the  state,  with  few  exceptions,  has  always  favored  giving 
the  Negroes  equal  opportunities  of  elementary  education.  This 
may  be  said,  so  far  as  the  state  government  is  concerned,  to  have  been 
the  dominant  sentiment,  despite  the  reservations  that  must  be  made 
with  respect  to  the  counties.  Yet,  it  must  be  admitted  that  there 
has  also  been  a  strong  element  of  opposition,  which  seems  to  have 
centered  on  the  question  of  the  proper  division  between  the  races 
of  the  funds  for  the  support  of  schools.  As  the  public  school  system 
increased  in  favor  with  the  white  people,  and  as  its  demands  became 
heavier  and  heavier,  this  question  came  more  and  more  prominently 
into  the  foreground.  Evidences  in  support  of  the  foregoing  generali- 
zations may  be  found  in  the  reports  of  the  state  superintendent,  in 
the  legislative  journals,  in  the  Proceedings  of  the  State  Teachers' 
Association,  and  in  the  public  press. 

The  attitude  of  Superintendent  Preston,  to  whom  is  largely  due 
the  credit  for  the  organization  of  the  machinery  of  the  school  system, 
was  avowedly  in  favor  of  Negro  education.  His  report  in  1889 
contains  the  following  statement :  ^ 

Confronted  and  impeded  by  the  illiteracy  and  poverty  of  the  colored  race, 
in  knitting  up  the  sinews  of  our  shattered  civilization,  we  have  for  nineteen 
years  treated  the  Negro  fairly,  nay  generously,  in  the  distribution  of  our 
scanty  school  revenues,  and  have  sought  to  elevate  him  in  morality  and 
intelligence.  We  cannot  afford  to  be  unjust  to  this  illiterate  portion  of  our 
population;  ignorance  and  its  concomitant  vices  offer  only  continuous 
degradation,  shiftlessness,  and  crime. 

In  1887,  the  State  Teachers'  Association  passed  a  resolution 
commending  the  educational  progress  of  the  Negro.  ^  The  subject 
of  Negro  education  was  discussed  not  only  at  this  meeting  but  also 

1  Report  of  Superintendent,  1888-1889,  p.  31. 

2  Proceedings,  State  Teachers'  Association,  1887. 


io6  Public  Schools  in  Mississippi 

at  the  meetings  in  1889  and  1892.  The  East  Mississippi  Teachers' 
Association  also  discussed  the  question.  The  titles  of  the  discussions 
indicate  that  the  teachers  were  impressed  with  the  obligation  of  the 
white  race  to  maintain  colored  schools.  ^  The  need  of  industrial 
education  for  Negroes  was  voiced  in  these  discussions. 

The  point  of  view  of  the  tax-payer  was  set  forth  by  a  county 
superintendent  of  one  of  the  Delta  counties  at  the  meeting  in  1887. 
"When  you  ask  me,"  said  he,  "to  discuss  the  cause  of  education  in  the 
Delta,  you  ask  me  to  show  you  how  it  is  that  one  white  man  is  to 
interest  himself  enough  in  this  great  cause  to  induce  him  to  pay  for 
the  education  of  nine  colored  children  along  with  his  own."  He 
asserted  that  the  Delta  landlord  "cheerfully  bears  this  burden," 
and  expressed  his  confidence  in  the  ability  of  the  Negro  to  learn. 
He  believed  that  agricultural  schools  should  be  established  for  the 
instruction  of  the  colored  race. 

The  legislature  of  1886  passed  a  resolution  endorsing  the  'Blair 
Bill'  then  before  Congress,  and  urging  the  senators  and  congressmen 
representing  the  state  to  support  it.^  This  bill  provided  for  the  ex- 
tension of  federal  aid  for  the  education  of  the  Negro.  The  Missis- 
sippi Teacher,  August,  1889,  stated  that  the  entire  delegation  in 
Congress  favored  the  bill,  and  mentioned  the  names  of  Lamar  and 
George  in  this  connection.  This  journal  urged  the  teachers  of  the 
state  to  endorse  it  at  their  next  meeting.  The  Raymond  Gazette 
in  1887  opposed  the  bill.^  When  finally  in  1890  the  bill  came  before 
the  Senate,  Senator  George  voted  for  it,  and  Senator  Walthall 
voted  against  it. 

While  these  bits  of  evidence  show  decidedly  that  there  was  a 
strong  public  sentiment  in  favor  of  Negro  education,  there  is  other 
evidence  which  shows  that  there  was  developing  a  considerable 
sentiment  in  opposition  to  taxing  the  white  people  to  support  it. 
In  1889  Superintendent  Preston  found  it  necessary  to  satisfy  a  cer- 
tain political  element  that  the  present  limits  of  the  school  age — five 
to  twenty-one — did  not  work  to  the  advantage  of  the  colored  race.^ 

The  trend  of  the  discussion  of  the  Article  on  Education,  when  it 
came  up  for  adoption  before  the  Constitutional  Convention  of  1890, 

'Report  of  Superintendent,  1888-1889;   1891-1893,  p.  554. 

*  House  Journal,  1886,  p.  233. 

6  Raymond  Gazette,  January  29,  1887. 

"Report  of  Superintendent,  1 888-1 889,  p.  11. 


Public  Sentiment  and  Education  of  the  Negro  107 

is  perhaps  the  truest  index  of  pubHc  opinion  on  this  subject.  The 
Committee  on  Education  on  August  28  presented  a  majority  report 
on  the  Article. '^  Shortly  afterward,  a  minority  report  signed  by 
six  members  was  handed  in,^  which  objected  in  particular  to  a  sec- 
tion which  proposed  to  make  an  annual  state  distribution  to  the 
schools  of  $750,000.    The  argument  in  part  reads  as  follows: 

The  people  are  willing  to  maintain  a  free  school  system  at  a  reasonable 
expense;  but  under  present  conditions,  with  a  large  majority  of  the  educable 
children  belonging  to  a  race  which  differs  from  that  which  pays  the  cost,  a 
race  which  contributes  but  a  small  part  of  the  moneys  called  for,  which  seeks 
to  grow  yearly  more  and  more  alienated  from  our  own,  it  is  not  to  be  ex- 
pected that  our  people  will  fail  to  look  with  a  jealous  eye  on  the  creation  and 
distribution  of  a  fund  so  enormous  and  so  partial  in  its  results. 

This  was  a  signal  for  a  wrestle  with  substitutes  and  amendments 
which  continued  at  intervals  for  a  month  and  a  half.  In  consider- 
ing the  section  on  the  distribution  of  the  school  fund,  Dr.  Robinson, 
of  Rankin,  at  different  times  offered  two  amendments  providing  for 
the  division  of  the  fund  between  the  schools  of  the  races  in  propor- 
tion to  the  amount  of  the  taxes  paid.^  The  first  he  withdrew  to 
propose  a  substitute  which,  with  an  amendment  by  Mr.  Dillard,  was 
adopted  as  Section  206.  After  securing  the  passage  of  this  fatal 
section,  Robinson,  still  bent  on  a  division  of  the  funds  between  the 
races,  proposed  an  additional  section  having  this  in  view.  It  was 
defeated  by  a  vote  of  eighty-one  to  thirty-one.^ 

There  were  further  attempts  to  accomplish  a  division  of  the  funds. 
Noland,  of  Wilkinson,  proposed  to  divide  county  and  separate  dis- 
trict funds  on  this  basis.^°  Magruder  proposed  to  have  special 
county  and  separate  district  funds  so  divided. ^^  His  amendment 
was  defeated  by  a  vote  of  fifty-seven  to  fifty-three,  twenty-three 
being  absent.  An  attempt  to  make  the  minimum  limit  of  the 
school  age  seven  instead  of  five,  with  the  ostensible  purpose  of  dis- 
criminating against  the  Negroes,  was  defeated  by  a  vote  of  sixty- 
seven  to  thirty-eight. ^2 

'  Journal  of  Constitutional  Convention,  1890,  p.  118. 

8  Ibid.,  p.  131. 

9  Ibid.,  pp.  329,  337,  355. 

10  Ibid.,  p.  345. 
"  Ibid. 

'2  Ibid.,  p.  329. 


io8  Public  Schools  in  Mississippi 

Taken  as  a  whole,  the  discussion  indicates  that  there  were  two 
well-defined  factions  in  the  convention,  one  which  favored  giving 
the  Negro  at  least  the  educational  advantages  which  he  had  hereto- 
fore enjoyed,  the  other  which  favored  giving  him  only  such  as  he 
was  able  to  pay  for  with  the  taxes  which  he  contributed.  The  first 
of  these  factions  was  in  control,  and  may  be  called  the  conservative 
element.  The  second  faction,  however,  was  able  to  muster  up  a 
considerable  following,  as  is  evident  by  the  votes  on  the  Robinson 
and  Magruder  amendments. 

As  a  further  index  of  public  opinion,  we  may  note  just  here  the 
division  of  the  legislature  on  the  subject  of  the  distribution  of  the 
school  fund.  It  would  be  unfair  to  say  that  those  who  favored  dis- 
tributing the  school  fund  on  a  basis  other  than  that  of  school 
population,  were  opposed  to  the  education  of  the  Negro.  Superin- 
tendent Preston,  Governor  Stone,  and  Superintendent  Kincannon 
were  outspoken  in  favor  of  Negro  education,  but  all  were  opposed 
to  the  adopted  means  of  distribution.  Again,  we  may  naturally 
suppose  that  the  counties  which  were  discriminated  against  by  this 
measure,  would  oppose  it ;  and  that  those  counties  in  whose  favor  it 
worked,  would  uphold  it,  regardless  of  their  attitude  toward  Negro 
education.  Yet,  the  agitation  to  change  the  means  of  distribution, 
which  unquestionably  increased  in  vehemence  throughout  this 
period,  carried  with  it  an  increasing  disposition  to  make  the  Negro 
pay  for  his  own  education.  This  is  borne  out  by  the  statement  of 
Superintendent  Kincannon,  quoted  elsewhere,  and  by  an  amend- 
ment proposed  in  the  legislature  in  1896.  ^^ 

In  answer  to  the  question  of  the  state  superintendent  as  to  the 
state  of  public  opinion  (1891-1893),  twelve  county  superintendents 
reported  opposition  to  Negro  education.  ^^  The  counties  represented 
in  these  reports  were  Carroll,  Franklin,  Grenada,  Holmes,  Jefferson, 
Lowndes,  Lawrence,  Marshall,  Noxubee,  Pike,  Sharkey,  Yalobusha. 
Among  the  reasons  assigned  for  opposition  were:  "We  are  paying 
out  too  much  money  to  educate  the  Negro,"  "whites  complain  that 
they  have  been  taxed  enough  to  support  Negro  schools,"  "want  of 
confidence  in  the  education  of  the  Negro."  One  superintendent  re- 
ferred to  what  he  called  a  growing  disposition  for  each  race  to 
educate  its  own  children;    another  claimed  that  the  whites  were 

13  See  Distribution  of  the  School  Fund,  page  95. 

"  Report  of  Superintendent,  1891-1893,  Narrative  Reports. 


Public  Sentiment  and  Education  of  the  Negro  109 

entitled  to  a  longer  term.  It  must  be  remembered  that  these  reports 
came  from  only  twelve  out  of  seventy  counties.  Whether  or  not 
sentiment  in  other  counties  favored  public  education  of  the  Negro 
we  have  no  means  of  finding  out. 

The  State  Ledger ^  in  1892,^^  complained  of  the  new  system  of  appor- 
tionment which  had  been  changed  "for  the  advantage  of  the  blacks, 
and  in  many  instances,  to  the  detriment  of  the  white  counties." 

Despite  protests,  we  may  be  sure  that  there  was  a  large  element 
that  favored  giving  the  Negro  proper  educational  facilities.  The 
teaching  profession  of  this  period,  as  of  every  other  period  which  we 
are  to  consider,  have  left  record  of  their  confidence  in  Negro  educa- 
tion. A  prominent  teacher,  speaking  before  the  State  Teachers' 
Association  in  1894,  said  in  part:^® 

.  .  .  if  we  want  to  suppress  crime  so  prevalent  among  our  black  neigh- 
bors, and  make  useful  and  respected  citizens  of  them,  and  get  them  to  look 
at  life  from  a  Caucasian  standpoint,  we  must  employ  more  efficient  teachers 
for  them,  encourage  an  educational  spirit  among  them,  and  lengthen  out  their 
school  term,  so  as  to  give  them  140  days  during  the  year  for  school. 

A  little  later  in  the  same  speech  the  speaker  touched  upon  the 
question  of  apportionment  and  expressed  himself  as  follows: 

The  eyes  of  the  South  were  fixed  on  Mississippi  during  the  last  legislature 
to  see  what  disposition  of  the  question  it  would  make,  and  be  it  said  to  the 
eternal  praise  of  that  body,  that  they  decided  to  distribute  the  money  col- 
lected from  the  people  equally  among  the  two  races  per  capita. 

Superintendent  Kincannon,  in  1899,  stating  his  position  on  the 
apportionment  question,  said:^^ 

Do  not  understand,  please,  that  I  would  take  from  any  child,  white  or 
black,  in  the  state,  that  which  the  constitution  intends  that  he  should  have, 
for  I  believe  that  education  is  the  panacea  for  nearly  all  the  ills  from  which 
society  suffers. 

By  way  of  summarizing  the  public  sentiment  of  the  white  people 
for  the  period  between  1886  and  1900,  we  may  say:  (i)  that  the 
controlling  element  in  state  politics  were  unwilling  for  any  dis- 
crimination to  be  practised  upon  the  Negro;  (2)  that  the  State 
Department  of  Education  and  the  State  Teachers'  Association  con- 

15  State  Ledger,  April  5,  1892. 

"  Proceedings,  Mississippi  Teachers'  Association,  1894,  p.  27. 

»^  Report  of  Superintendent,  1 898-1 899,  p.  30 


no  Public  Schools  in  Mississippi 

sistently  favored  the  education  of  the  race ;  (3)  that  the  need  of  in- 
dustrial education  for  the  Negro  seems  to  have  interested  a  few 
educators ;  (4)  that  there  was  hostiHty  to  Negro  education  between 
1890  and  1900  which  seems  to  have  increased  in  intensity  with 
the  unrest  due  to  an  unsatisfactory  means  of  distributing  the 
school  fund. 

Public  Sentiment  Since  igoo.  We  have  called  attention  to  the 
agitation  for  the  division  of  the  school  fund  which  accompanied 
the  demand  for  a  more  equitable  distribution  among  the  counties. 
This  agitation  seemed  to  increase  in  intensity  through  the  nineties 
and  the  early  years  of  the  new  century.  The  conservative  element 
seems  easily  to  have  prevented  all  attempts  to  discriminate  against 
Negro  schools  by  taking  away  their  support.  Sucb  an  attempt  was 
thwarted  in  the  legislature  in  1896,  and  again  in  1900.^^  But  in 
blocking  these  attempts  the  conservatives  seem  to  have  blocked  all 
efforts  tending  toward  an  equitable  division  of  the  school  funds. 

The  chief  exponent  of  the  political  element  which  favored  a  divi- 
sion of  the  school  fund  on  the  basis  of  the  amount  of  tax  paid,  or 
at  least  favored  devoting  a  large  part  of  the  school  fund  to  the 
education  of  the  white  children,  was  Major  Vardaman.  It  would 
be  well  just  here  to  have  a  statement  of  his  position  in  his  own 
words:  ^^ 

Certainly,  the  education  suited  to  the  white  children  does  not  suit  the 
Negro.  This  has  been  demonstrated  by  forty  years  of  experience  and  the 
expenditure  in  the  southern  states  of  nearly  $300,000,000.  It  was  natural 
and  quite  reasonable,  immediately  after  the  Civil  War;  especially  by  those 
who  had  made  but  a  superficial  study  of  the  Negro,  to  expect  that  freedom, 
equal  educational  facilities,  and  the  example  of  the  white  man,  would  have 
the  effect  of  improving  his  morals  and  make  a  better  man  of  him  generally. 
But  it  has  not,  I  am  sorry  to  say.  As  a  race,  he  is  deteriorating  morally 
every  day.  .  .  The  state  for  many  years,  at  great  expense  to  the  tax- 
payers, has  maintained  a  system  of  Negro  education,  which  has  produced 
disappointing  results,  and  I  am  opposed  to  the  perpetuation  of  the  system. 
My  idea  is  that  the  character  of  Negro  education  should  be  changed.  .  . 
There  must  be  a  moral  sub-stratum  upon  which  to  build,  or  you  cannot  make 
a  desirable  citizen.  The  Negro  is  devoid  of  that  element.  .  .  The  first 
step  toward  the  changing  of  the  education  system  of  the  state,  so  as 
to  meet  the  demands  of  both  races,  it  occurs  to  me,  is  for  the  legislature  to 

"  See  page  96. 

*^  Inaugural  Address,  Senate  Journal,  1904,  p.  123. 


Public  Sentiment  and  Education  of  the  Negro  1 1 1 

submit  to  the  people  a  proposition  to  amend  the  constitution,  so  as  to  give 
the  legislature  unrestricted  authority  in  dealing  with  the  public  school 
question. 

Vardaman's  political  opponents  regarded  his  scheme  as  unjust 
and  unconstitutional,  as  well  as  inexpedient. ^^  The  press  of  the 
state  seems  generally  to  have  supported  the  conservatives.  To  such 
an  extent  did  the  newspapers  oppose  Vardaman,  that  Noel,  one  of 
his  opponents  for  the  governorship,  was  charged  with  having  sub- 
sidized the  press,  but  the  charge  was  not  substantiated.^^ 

The  legislature  of  1904  did  not  act  upon  the  recommendation  of 
Governor  Vardaman  to  amend  Section  206  so  as  to  leave  the  dis- 
tribution of  the  school  funds  in  the  hands  of  the  legislature.  Nor 
did  the  next  legislature  accomplish  anything  in  this  direction.  In 
his  last  biennial  message  the  Governor  said :  ^  'Why  the  Legislature 
should  hesitate  to  submit  to  the  people  an  amendment  to  the 
constitution  so  as  to  change  the  absurd  and  expensive  system  in 
vogue,  is  an  inscrutable  mystery  to  me.*' 

Although  the  Governor  was  unable  to  have  the  method  of  distri- 
buting the  school  fund  changed,  he  was  able  to  use  his  veto  power 
toward  helping  to  carry  out  his  theory  in  regard  to  Negro  education. 
When  the  bill  appropriating  money  for  the  support  of  the  Holly 
Springs  State  Normal  College  came  up  for  his  signature,  he  placed 
his  veto  on  it.  This  bill  had  passed  the  House  by  a  vote  of  seventy 
to  nineteen,  and  the  Senate  by  a  vote  of  twenty-five  to  thirteen. 
Vardaman  sent  the  bill  back  to  the  House  with  a  three-page  veto 
message,  which  further  elaborates  his  view  on  the  subject  of  Negro 
education.23    He  said  in  part: 

Literary  education — the  knowledge  of  books — does  not  seem  to  produce 
any  good  substantial  results  with  the  Negro,  but  serves  to  sharpen  his  cunning, 
breeds  hopes  that  cannot  be  fulfilled,  inspires  aspirations  that  cannot  be 
gratified,  creates  an  inclination  to  avoid  labor,  promotes  indolence,  and  in 
turn  leads  to  crime.  .  .  I  wish  it  understood  that  my  objection  to  this 
bill  does  not  grow  out  of  a  spirit  of  race  hatred.  I  have  no  such  feeling  for 
the  Negro;  on  the  contrary,  I  wish  the  race  well.  I  should  like  to  see  it 
develop  along  moral  and  industrial  lines,  until  it  shall  become  a  positive 

20  Times-Democrat  report  of  Noel's  Chautauqua  address,  July  23,  1903;  also  Longino's 

Inaugural  Address. 

21  Times-Democrat,  July  20,  1903,  Noel's  campaign  notice. 

22  Biennial  Message,  Senate  Journal,  1908,  p.  10. 

23  House  Journal,  1904,  p.  840. 


112  Public  Schools  in  Mississippi 

factor  for  good,  rather  than  a  menace  to  civilization;  a  blessing  rather  than 
a  curse. 

The  veto  message  was  made  the  special  order  for  March  15.  An 
attempt  in  the  House  to  pass  the  appropriation  bill  over  the  gov- 
ernor's veto  resulted  in  a  vote  of  sixty-four  to  forty-eight,  twenty- 
one  absent,  and  thus  failed  to  secure  the  necessary  majority  of 
two-thirds. 

A  committee  of  five  appointed  by  the  State  Teachers'  Association 
in  1 90 1,  rendered  an  elaborate  report  to  the  Association  on  May  i, 
1903.  In  discussing  the  factors  which  tended  to  deter  the  growth 
of  rural  education  they  expressed  themselves  as  follows :  ^^ 

Probably  no  other  one  thing  acts  as  such  a  drawback  to  general  progress, 
and  especially  to  educational  progress  in  Mississippi,  as  does  this  presence 
of  an  inferior  race,  not  willing  or  able  to  bear  any  considerable  portion  of  the 
burden  of  taxation;  but  which,  owing  to  its  large  numbers,  under  the  opera- 
tion of  existing  laws  receives  so  large  a  part  of  the  public  funds  for  education. 
The  dominant  race  is  not  willing  to  vote  money  to  be  expended  for  the 
schools  of  the  inferior  race.  It  is  not  in  the  province  of  the  Committee  to  say 
whether  or  not  this  indisposition  to  educate  the  Negro  is  proper.  Certain  it 
is  that  Doctor  Alderman's  statement,  "The  Negro  must  be  educated,  igno- 
rance is  no  remedy  for  anything;  any  other  theory  is  monstrous,"  ought  to 
receive  the  most  careful  consideration  at  the  hands  of  all  those  who  have  the 
shaping  of  the  educational  policy  of  the  state.  -v 

1^     Continuing  its  report  of  the  situation  the  committee  said  that ' 
/   the  indisposition  of  the  whites  to  tax  themselves  for  the  benefit  of 
/     the  Negro  had  led  to  apathy  in  regard  to  education;    that  local 
/      Mxation  had  almost  disappeared  except  in  the  separate  districts ;  and 
L/ that  the  state  fund  was  furnishing  the  entire  support  of  rural  schools/ 
The  question  of  the  education  of  the  Negro  came  before  the 
State  Teachers'  Association  again  in  1905,  when  the  president  de- 
voted a  section  of  his  address  to  a  discussion  of  the  subject.    His 
position  may  be  summarized  in  his  own  words :  ^^ 

Whenever  the  question  of  raising  additional  revenue  for  educational  pur- 
poses is  discussed,  we  are  met  with  opposition  on  account  of:  First,  the 
failure  of  our  present  schools  to  improve  the  condition  of  the  Negro — this 
I  am  compelled  to  admit  is  largely  true;  not  the  fault  of  education  per  se, 
but  rather  a  failure  of  our  methods  for  the  Negro;  second,  the  opinion  of 
most  people  that  the  Negro  is  now  receiving  the  larger  proportion  of  our  school 

^  Report  of  Superintendent,  1901-1903,  p.  69. 

26  Proceedings,  State  Teachers'  Association,  1905,  President's  Address 


Public  Sentiment  and  Education  of  the  Negro  113 

appropriation,  when  in  fact,  the  opposite  is  true.  .  .  The  discussion  of  the 
education  of  the  Negro  has  always  been  carefully  avoided  in  this  association, 
being  considered  as  a  political,  rather  than  an  educational  question;  but  I 
believe  the  advancement  of  the  educational  interests  of  our  state  depends, 
in  great  measure,  upon  the  proper  solution  of  this  question;  therefore,  as  an 
association  we  should  give  some  consideration  to  this  important  part  of  our 
educational  system. 

In  concluding  his  remarks  on  this  subject  the  president  said  that 
the  Negro  should  have  schools  specially  adapted  to  his  needs. 
He  characterized  the  attempt  to  give  him  a  classical  education  as 
"giving  a  stone  to  him  who  asks  for  bread."  He  advocated  an  en- 
tirely different  course  of  study  for  Negro  schools,  a  course  limited 
on  the  intellectual  side  to  the  'three  R's',  but  strong  on  the  indus- 
trial and  moral  sides.  No  action  seems  to  have  been  taken  by  the 
Association  on  this  subject. 

Among  the  most  esteemed  citizens  of  the  state  within  recent  years 
was  Bishop  Charles  B.  Galloway,  the  great  orator-churchman-states- 
man. Bishop  Galloway  served  for  a  number  of  years  on  the  board 
of  trustees  of  Alcorn  College,  and  showed  his  interest  in  the  educa- 
tion of  the  Negro  in  a  number  of  ways.  He  may  be  regarded  as  the 
spokesman  of  a  large  number  of  people  when  he  says:^^ 

.  .  .  I  believe  the  dominant  desire  of  our  people  has  been  to  deal  justly 
and  do  right.  And  wherein  we  have  failed  the  fault  has  not  been  all  our  own. 
.  .  .  And  any  policy  which  tends  to  inflame  prejudice  and  widen  the  racial 
chasm  postpones  indefinitely  the  final  triumph  of  the  Son  of  Man  among 
the  sons  of  men.  .  .  I  do  insist  that  the  Negro  have  equal  opportunity 
with  every  American  citizen. 

We  may  conclude  from  these  bits  of  evidence:  (i)  that  there  was 
a  tendency  on  the  part  of  a  large  number  of  people  to  resent  taxa- 
tion for  the  support  of  Negro  schools;  (2)  that  the  controlling  ele- 
ment in  state  politics  seems  not  to  have  been  inclined  toward  radical 
action ;  (3)  that  lack  of  confidence  in  the  results  of  the  work  of  the 
public  schools  for  Negroes  seems  to  have  developed  in  the  minds  of 
many;  (4)  that  an  increasing  tendency  to  favor  moral  and  indus- 
trial education  for  the  Negro  is  evident;  (5)  that  a  large  number  of 
the  population  favored  giving  the  Negro  an  opportunity  for  edu- 
cation and  dealing  justly  with  him  in  every  particular. 

26  Jackson  Evening  News,  June  3,  1903;    Speech  at  the  laying  of  corner-stone  of  the 
new  Capitol. 


CHAPTER  XI 

THE  INFLUENCE  OF  EDUCATION  UPON  THE 
LIFE  OF  THE  NEGRO 

It  has  been  frequently  asserted  that  education  has  had  Httle  or 
no  influence  upon  the  social  and  economic  progress  of  the  Negro 
race.  Indeed,  some  observers  have  gone  so  far  as  to  say  that  the 
education  the  Negro  has  received  has  been  positively  detrimental. 
Much  that  has  been  said  upon  this  subject  is  mere  assertion  and  has 
not  been  subjected  to  scientific  verification.  A  careful  scientific 
study  is  needed  to  clarify  the  matter,  but,  on  account  of  the  scarcity 
of  data,  it  is  doubtful  if  a  very  complete  study  is  possible.  In  this 
chapter  I  have  attempted  in  a  fragmentary  manner  to  explain  the 
social  and  economic  progress — or  lack  of  progress — of  the  race,  in 
the  light  of  the  educational  history  of  the  state. 

By  way  of  introduction,  it  would  be  well  to  point  out  the  difficulty 
which  awaits  one  who  attempts  to  place  educational  opportunities 
and  social  progress  in  the  relation  of  cause  and  effect.  For  instance, 
to  say  that  a  marked  social  advance  in  one  generation  came  in 
response  to  a  liberal  provision  for  education  in  the  generation  next 
preceding,  may  be  true,  but  there  is  a  chance  that  other  factors  con- 
tributed largely  to  bring  about  the  advance.  Conversely,  to  say 
that  lack  of  progress  is  due  to  a  lack  of  educational  facilities,  or  to  a 
false  conception  of  education,  is  to  state  what  may  prove  to  be  but 
a  half-truth.  Yet,  if,  as  in  the  present  instance,  we  analyze  a  total 
situation,  and  find  in  several  selected  lines  of  social  activity  a  close 
parallelism  with  educational  conditions,  we  are  probably  justified 
in  placing  the  two  in  the  relation  of  cause  and  effect. 

Then  also  we  must  be  on  our  guard  lest  we  expect  too  much  of 
education  extending  over  only  a  short  period.  Social  progress,  par- 
ticularly in  the  case  of  a  backward  race,  moves  by  slow  degrees  and 
may  better  be  measured  in  centuries  than  in  years.  But  to  deny  the 
power  of  education  to  function  perceptibly  in  one  generation  is 
almost  to  deny  the  power  of  the  human  mind  to  respond  to  training. 

Has  education  improved  the  living  conditions  of  the  Negro  race? 
In  what  ways  have  the  educational  facilities  provided  by  the  state 


Influence  of  Education  115 

of  Mississippi  brought  about  race  progress?  Among  the  things  that 
make  for  social  betterment  and  race  progress  we  may  mention  own- 
ership of  homes;  acquisition  of  farm  property  including  lands, 
domestic  animals,  and  implements;  increase  in  the  number  of  farm 
managers;  increase  in  the  membership  of  the  professional  classes; 
decrease  in  crime.  Reliable  statistical  information  is  available  for 
an  investigation  along  these  lines.  Possibly  the  investigation  might 
be  extended  along  other  lines  but  I  have  not  found  available  data. 
My  study  will  therefore  be  restricted  to  the  aforementioned  topics. 

Ownership  of  Homes.  Ownership  of  homes  is  one  of  the  truest 
indications  of  economic  efficiency.  Besides,  it  is  one  of  the  most 
important  factors  in  the  health  problem.^  Hence,  if  education  func- 
tions at  all  it  should  function  in  economic  efficiency  leading  to  home 
ownership.  Has  this  been  the  case?  Something  near  the  correct 
answer  to  this  question  might  be  obtained  by  a  comparison  of  home 
ownership  and  facilities  for  education  at  intervals  of  ten  years  for 
the  entire  period  of  our  study.  But  I  have  not  found  statistics 
available  for  such  a  comparison.  The  few  statistics  which  I  have 
found  indicate  a  very  high  correlation  between  generally  meager 
school  facilities  and  small  accumulation  of  home  property. 

During  the  decade  between  1900  and  1910  there  was  a  slight  in- 
crease in  the  ownership  of  homes  by  Negroes,  as  well  as  an  increase 
in  the  number  free  from  encumbrance.^  In  1900,  there  was  one  owned 
home  to  every  31.3  persons,  or  a  total  of  28,855;  ^^  i9io>  there  was 
one  owned  home  to  every  26.3  persons,  or  a  total  of  38,564.  Or, 
taking  a  different  view  of  the  matter,  in  1900  the  owned  homes 
represented  15  per  cent,  of  all  homes,  and  in  19 10  they  represented 
16.9  per  cent.  This  increase  of  1.9  per  cent,  for  Mississippi  was 
somewhat  less  than  the  average  for  the  south  Atlantic  states  and 
for  the  east  south  central  states.  From  whatever  view  taken,  the 
ownership  of  homes  by  Negroes  is  relatively  small  and  has  not  pro- 
gressed as  rapidly  as  might  be  desired. 

With  respect  to  encumbrance,  there  were  somewhat  fewer  homes 
under  mortgage  in  1910  than  in  1900.  Of  the  owned  homes,  59  per 
cent,  were  free  of  encumbrance  in  1900,  and  60.5  per  cent,  in  19 10. 

*  A  Special  Report  of  the  United  States  Census  in  1916,  entitled  Negroes  in  the  United 
States  (p.  46),  says:  "Undoubtedly  one  of  the  factors  which  have  caused  the  decrease 
in  the  death  rate — which  decrease  is  almost  universal  in  the  cities  of  the  South — is 
the  increase  in  home  ownership  among  the  Negro  population." 

2  Negroes  in  the  United  States,  pp.  29,  104. 


Ii6  Public  Schools  in  Mississippi 

The  statistics  we  have  so  far  cited  include  both  'farm  homes' 
and  'other  homes'.  The  Negroes  have  been  far  more  fortunate  in 
the  acquisition  of  homes  as  domiciles  than  as  farms.  While  the 
number  of  farm  homes  increased  from  20,939  to  24,791,  or  18.6 
per  cent.,  the  other  homes  increased  from  7,916  to  13,783,  or  74.1 
per  cent.  The  relatively  heavy  expense  of  purchasing  land  enough 
to  provide  a  living  has  evidently  prohibited  many  Negroes  from  this 
form  of  ownership. 

Facts  probably  more  significant  from  the  standpoint  of  education, 
are  statistics  of  home  ownership  in  cities  of  a  population  of  5,000 
and  over.  The  best  schools  in  the  state  have  undoubtedly  been  the 
city  schools  supervised  by  the  city  superintendents.  As  throwing 
light  upon  the  educational  situation  for  the  state  as  a  whole,  the 
consideration  of  the  influence  of  city  schools  is  of  slight  conse- 
quence, since  there  are  only  five  towns  in  the  state  with  a  Negro 
population  exceeding  5,000,  and  the  total  Negro  population  for  all 
five  is  but  44,638.^  But,  as  an  index  to  the  value  of  education  with 
respect  to  home  ownership,  the  figures  are  indeed  suggestive.  For 
the  state  at  large,  we  find  in  1910  one  owned  home  to  every  26.3 
persons;  in  the  cities,  we  find  one  to  every  16.2  persons.  Likewise, 
we  find  in  the  state  as  a  whole  60.5  per  cent,  of  the  owned  homes 
free  of  mortgage,  and  in  the  cities  73.6  per  cent.  If  we  knew  to 
what  extent  the  cities  tend  to  select  the  best  Negro  element,  we 
would  have  a  more  reliable  measure  of  the  influence  of  education. 
Certainly,  it  is  true  that  the  most  capable  Negroes  tend  to  flock  to 
the  cities,  but  it  is  also  true  that  many  of  the  less  capable  congre- 
gate in  them,  induced  by  work  in  oil  mills  and  in  other  manufactur- 
ing plants.  If,  in  the  absence  of  other  data,  we  dare  strike  a  balance, 
and  say  that  on  the  average  city  Negroes  are  no  better  equipped  by 
original  nature  than  are  country  Negroes,  the  influence  of  the  city 
environment  and  of  superior  school  facilities  is  at  once  apparent. 

In  general,  we  may  say  that  the  backwardness  of  the  Negro 
schools  of  the  state  seems  to  be  reflected  in  the  meager  accumulation 
of  home  property.  That  education  has  been  an  influential  factor 
in  fitting  Negroes  to  acquire  homes  is  apparent  when  we  compare 
home  ownership  in  cities  where  good  school  facilities  are  provided 
with  the  ownership  in  country  districts  where  the  provision  for 
education  has  been  inadequate. 

3  Negroes  in  the  United  States,  p.  106. 


Influence  of  Education  117 

Progress  in  Agriculture.  The  influence  of  education  upon  the 
economic  efficiency  of  the  Negro  can  perhaps  best  be  estimated  by 
considering  the  progress  he  has  made  in  the  dominant  industry — 
agriculture.  Students  of  the  Negro  problem  have  frequently 
pointed  with  pride  to  the  large  amount  of  farm  property  which  the 
Negro  has  accumulated  in  the  short  period  since  his  emancipation. 
Considered  in  the  aggregate  the  figures  which  represent  this  accumu- 
lation appear  large,  but  may  we  not  with  justice  raise  the  question 
whether,  in  proportion  to  the  population,  they  are  as  large  as  they 
should  be.  We  have  seen  that  there  has  been  little  progress  in  the 
development  of  schools  for  the  colored  race.  Are  there  any  evidences 
of  arrested  development  in  agriculture  probably  traceable  to  lack 
of  proper  training  and  instruction?  The  purpose  of  this  section  of 
our  study  will  be  to  determine  the  possible  influence  of  education 
upon  the  agricultural  progress  of  the  Negro  in  Mississippi. 

It  is  well  for  us  first  to  consider  the  importance  of  the  industry 
of  agriculture  in  this  state.  The  rural  Negro  population  in  1890 
represented  95.4  per  cent,  of  the  total  Negro  population.  By  1910, 
this  percentage  had  dropped  to  90.6,  but  in  this  year,  despite  the 
percentage  decrease,  it  showed  an  aggregate  increase  from  something 
over  700,000  to  something  over  900,000.  We  may  safely  say  that 
practically  all  the  rural  Negro  population  was  dependent  upon 
agriculture  for  a  livelihood. 

Significant  to  be  observed  in  a  study  of  agricultural  progress  with 
relation  to  education  are:  (i)  the  acquisition  of  farm  lands;  (2) 
the  increase  in  the  number  of  Negro  farm  managers ;  (3)  the  acqui- 
sition of  farm  implements  and  machinery;  (4)  the  acquisition  of 
domestic  animals.  We  shall  investigate  each  of  these  topics  in  the 
order  named. 

I .  The  Twelfth  Census  *  indicates  that  Negroes  resident  in 
northern  states  have  acquired  property  since  i860  more  rapidly 
than  their  southern  brothers.  In  the  south  Atlantic  states  Negroes 
have  acquired  property  about  three-fourths  as  rapidly  as  the  whites 
in  that  section;  and  in  the  south  central  states  only  about  half  as 
rapidly  as  the  whites.  Mississippi,  as  representative  of  the  south 
central  states,  has  doubtless  furnished  fewer  opportunities  for  the 
acquisition  of  farm  property  than  have  many  of  her  neighboring 
states. 

*  Twelfth  Census,  Vol.  V,  p.  cvii. 


1 1 8  Public  Schools  in  Mississippi 

Despite  the  fact  that  more  farms  are  operated  by  Negroes  in 
Mississippi  than  in  any  other  state,  and  despite  the  fact  that  there 
are  more  Negro  farm  owners  than  in  any  other  state  except  Vir- 
ginia, the  Negroes,  in  proportion  to  the  population,  have  made 
relatively  slow  progress  in  acquiring  farms.^  This  is  true  in  particu- 
lar of  the  last  decade  of  our  study.  In  1900,  61.  i  per  cent,  of  the 
white  farmers  owned  their  farms,  and  in  1910,  66.3  per  cent.  In 
1900,  only  15.2  per  cent,  of  the  colored  farmers  owned  their  farms, 
and  in  1910,  only  16.3  per  cent.  It  is  evident  from  these  figures  that 
the  relative  increase  in  farm  ownership  for  the  colored  race  has  been 
very  small. 

The  Twelfth  Census  also  gives  a  special  statistical  study  which 
proves  that  Negroes  in  the  black  belts  accumulate  property  very 
slowly.^  This  study  is  particularly  significant  for  Mississippi  since 
by  far  the  greater  part  of  the  Negro  population  is  concentrated  in 
the  black  belt.  From  each  of  seven  states,^  black  belts  of  fifteen 
counties  were  selected  for  comparison  with  a  similarly  selected 
group  of  white  counties  in  each  state.  The  farms  operated  by 
Negroes  in  each  group  of  counties  were  classified  according  as  they 
were  operated  by  owners,  by  managers,  and  by  tenants.  In  the 
resulting  statistical  display,  Mississippi  stood  third  among  the 
states  in  percentage  of  Negro  farm  owners.  But  when  the  fifteen 
counties  representing  the  black  belts  were  considered  separately, 
the  state  stood  seventh  in  the  list,  only  eight  per  cent,  of  the  farms 
being  operated  by  owners.  The  black  belt  of  Mississippi  is  thus 
shown  to  be  the  least  favorable  place  in  seven  states  for  the  accumu- 
lation of  farm  property  by  Negroes.  In  the  white  counties  of  the 
state  conditions  were  far  more  favorable.  Here  38.4  per  cent,  of 
the  farms  were  owned  by  the  individuals  who  operated  them. 

6  The  Negro  Year  Book,  1917  (pp.  305,  314),  gives  figures  which  apparently  contradict 

this  statement.  It  shows  that  the  increase  in  the  number  of  farms  operated  by 
Negroes  in  Mississippi  during  the  decade  between  1900  and  1910  was  thirty-eight 
per  cent.,  that  the  average  increase  for  the  South  was  twenty  per  cent.,  and  that 
only  four  states  exceeded  this  record  of  Mississippi.  It  showed  further  that  the 
aggregate  number  of  Negro  farm  owners  in  the  state  exceeded  that  of  all  other  states 
except  Virginia.  These  figures,  given  in  the  aggregate,  hardly  represent  the  true 
situation.  Instead  of  attempting  to  compare  Mississippi  with  other  states  with 
respect  to  the  aggregate  increase,  I  have  used  as  the  basis  for  computing  progress 
the  ratio  of  farm  owners  to  farm  operatives  of  each  race. 
8  Twelfth  Census,  Vol.  V,  p.  cix. 

7  The  seven  states  were :  Alabama,  Arkansas,  Georgia,  Louisiana,  Mississippi,  South 

Carolina,  and  Texas. 


Influence  of  Education  119 

I  do  not  intend  to  argue  upon  this  basis  that  more  favorable  edu- 
cational conditions  in  the  white  counties  made  the  Negroes  therein 
more  thrifty.  We  have  elsewhere  shown  that  school  facilities  were 
possibly  no  better  in  white  counties  than  in  black  counties.  The 
high  percentage  of  Negro  owners  in  the  white  counties  may  be 
accounted  for  by  the  fact  that  lands  there  are  cheaper;  and  by  the 
fact  that  Delta  land-owners  dispose  of  land  only  in  large  tracts. 
Perhaps  also  the  law  of  the  survival  of  the  fittest  has  operated. 
Since  poor  lands  make  it  difficult  to  secure  a  living  in  the  white 
counties,  the  less  thrifty  have  migrated  to  the  rich  Delta  planta- 
tions where  the  tenant  system  furnishes  large  returns  for  little 
labor.  This  theory  is  supported  by  statistics  which  indicate  that 
the  black  counties  are  becoming  blacker,  and  that  the  white  coun- 
ties are  becoming  whiter.^  These  statistics,  therefore,  can  hardly 
be  interpreted  as  a  reflection  of  educational  conditions,  except  in 
so  far  as  we  may  note  the  parallel  in  generally  poor  school  facilities 
and  generally  meager  ownership  of  farm  property  in  the  section  of 
the  state  containing  about  eighty  per  cent,  of  the  Negro  population. 

2.  It  might  be  expected  that  statistics  indicating  the  progress  of 
the  Negro  as  a  manager  of  farms  would  reflect  economic  efficiency 
attained  by  schooling.  The  practice,  however,  of  employing  man- 
agers for  farms  has  not  been  very  general  in  Mississippi,  and  is  evi- 
dently on  the  decline.  Even  when  managers  are  employed,  white 
men  are  secured  in  about  seven  cases  out  of  eight.  White  managers, 
in  1900,  numbered  823  to  107  colored;  in  1910,  they  numbered  only 
719  to  106  colored.  The  Negro  apparently  has  gained  only  a  foot- 
hold in  this  occupation,  and  is  barely  able  to  hold  his  own  in  it. 

The  objection  to  Negro  managers  lies  chiefly  in  the  fact  that  they 
have  rarely  developed  power  to  control  the  laborers  of  their  own 
color.  The  fault  lies  partly  in  the  lack  of  executive  ability  of  the 
managers,  and  partly  in  the  suspicion  of  their  ignorant  laboring 
brothers.  Further  training  might  gain  for  the  Negro  a  place  in  this 
occupation,  but  such  as  he  has  had  has  not  resulted  in  making  him 
a  factor  of  great  consequence  as  a  farm  manager  in  Mississippi. 

3.  Very  little  of  service  in  this  connection  can  be  learned  from 
the  available  statistics  of  ownership  of  domestic  animals.®  Domestic 
animals,  especially  horses,  mules,  and  cattle,  are  frequently  rented 

*  United  States  Commissioner's  Report,  1901,  Vol.  I,  p.  740. 

•  Twelfth  Census;  Abstract  of  the  Thirteenth  Census,  Mississippi  Supplement. 


120  Public  Schools  in  Mississippi 

by  farm  tenants  or  cared  for  by  them  with  the  consent  of  the  owner 
or  landlord.  The  census  reports  do  not  indicate  the  number  of 
animals  owned  by  tenants,  but  simply  the  number  on  farms  under 
the  care  of  the  tenants.  Hence  it  is  difficult  to  estimate  progress  in 
this  form  of  ownership.  The  statistics  which  we  have,  indicate  a 
notable  increase  in  the  number  of  cattle  (probably)  owned  by 
Negroes.  They  indicate  also  that  during  the  decade  between  1900 
and  1910  Negroes  apparently  outstripped  the  whites  in  progress  in 
hog-raising,  but  that  neither  race  progressed  very  much. 

A  reliable  test  of  economic  efficiency  is  the  ability  of  a  farmer 
to  diversify  his  products.  Farmers  in  Mississippi  have  not  been 
much  inclined  to  diversify.  They  have  preferred  rather  to  raise  a 
single  crop,  sell  it,  and,  from  the  proceeds,  to  purchase  the  things 
they  need  for  home  consumption.  Recently,  however,  there  has 
been  an  agitation  to  induce  them  to  make  their  farms  self-sufficient 
by  planting  forage  crops  and  raising  hogs,  cattle,  and  other  animals. 
It  would  be  interesting  to  present  facts  showing  the  extent  to  which 
Negroes  have  responded  to  the  call  for  diversification.  Unfortu- 
nately there  are  no  available  figures  on  the  subject.  We  know  that 
there  are  fewer  swine  on  the  average  Negro  farm  than  on  the  ave- 
rage white  farm,  and  that  Negroes  have  never  taken  to  the  raising 
of  sheep,  goats,  and  bees.  Aside  from  these  bits  of  information  we 
know  very  little. 

From  what  we  are  able  to  gather,  the  education  the  Negro  has 
received  has  not  resulted  in  an  appreciable  increase  in  the  ownership 
of  domestic  animals. 

The  introduction  of  improved  farm  implements  and  machinery 
is  a  true  index,  under  ordinary  circumstances,  of  the  economic 
efficiency  of  farmers.  The  increased  value  of  farm  implements  ought 
to  be  a  fairly  accurate  measure  of  progress.  According  to  the 
census  reports  (1900  and  19 10)  the  Negro  farmers  have  kept  pace 
with  white  farmers  in  the  acquisition  of  farm  implements.  Here 
again  we  have  to  discount  the  figures.  Many  Negro  tenants  work 
on  shares  and  contract  with  their  employers  to  furnish  the  tools  to 
be  used.  Doubtless  many  of  the  implements  reported  from  Negro 
farms  belong  to  white  landlords.  Education  may  have  induced  a 
number  of  farmers  of  the  Negro  race  to  invest  in  improved  ma- 
chinery, but  to  what  extent  this  is  true  we  have  no  means  of  ascer- 
taining. 


Influence  of  Education  121 

In  concluding  this  section  on  progress  in  agriculture  we  may  say- 
that,  as  a  rule,  the  Negro  farmers  have  not  advanced  very  rapidly. 
It  is  asserted  that  education  has  not  improved  and  will  not  improve 
them.  A  fair  trial  has  never  been  made.  A  meager  provision  for 
education,  and  that  of  a  kind  not  designed  to  function  in  economic 
efficiency,  has  produced  the  lazy,  unprogressive  farmers  of  the 
present.  Enough  progress  has  been  made,  however,  to  indicate 
that  the  education  Negroes  have  received  has  not  been  altogether 
wasted.  What  can  be  done  with  adequate  facilities  and  improved 
methods,  remains  to  be  seen. 

Professional  Service.  Statistics  indicating  the  increase  in  the 
number  of  Negroes  engaged  in  professional  service  ought  to  prove 
a  reliable  indication  of  race  progress.  The  transfer  to  the  profes- 
sions from  agriculture,  trade,  and  domestic  service  is  directly  de- 
pendent upon  mental  capacity,  ideals,  and  school  training.  Mem- 
bership in  the  professional  classes  should,  therefore,  reflect  to  a 
certain  extent  the  educational  facilities  of  the  state. 

A  special  report  of  the  United  States  Census  Office, ^°  in  1904,  gives 
the  following  figures  for  Mississippi.  Number  of  Negroes  engaged 
in  the  various  branches  of  professional  service  in  Mississippi : 


Clergymen 

994 

Government  Officials 

39 

Dentists 

5 

Physicians 

45 

Engineers 

3 

Teachers 

661" 

Journalists 

6 

Total  in  Professional  Service 

1,888 

Lawyers 

24 

It  is  quite  evident  that  professional  service  has  not  enlisted  a 
very  appreciable  number  of  Negroes  in  its  ranks.  It  would  be 
interesting  to  compare  the  figures  here  given  with  the  figures  for 
the  two  decades  next  preceding,  but  unfortunately  I  am  able  to 
furnish  comparative  statistics  in  only  one  or  two  instances.  Be- 
tween 1890  and  1900,  the  number  of  clergymen  increased  from  989 
to  994;  the  number  of  lawyers  decreased  from  26  to  24;  and  the 
number  of  physicians  increased  from  34  to  45.  In  this  decade,  at 
least,  professional  service  seems  to  have  been  practically  at  a  stand- 
still. The  small  increase  in  the  number  engaged  in  the  teaching  pro- 
fession (see  Statistical  Summary,  p.  141)  during  the  same  period  is 
significant  in  this  connection. 

"  United  States  Census,  Occupations,  1904. 

"  This  number  probably  represents  the  number  of  males  engaged  in  teaching. 


122  Public  Schools  in  Mississippi 

Of  course,  it  cannot  be  positively  asserted  that,  since  few  Negroes 
are  engaged  in  professional  service  in  Mississippi,  the  preliminary 
training  provided  in  the  schools  has  been  deficient.  Doubtless 
many  native  Negroes  have  entered  the  professions  and  migrated 
elsewhere.  Doubtless  also,  the  emigration  of  the  educated  classes 
has  exceeded  the  immigration.  The  social  level  of  the  race,  however, 
is  largely  determined  by  the  number  engaged  in  professional  ser- 
vice, since  the  lower  orders  of  society  generally  look  to  the  profes- 
sions for  leadership.  We  may  say,  finally,  that,  to  the  extent  school 
training  can  modify  the  life  callings  of  individuals,  the  education 
the  Mississippi  Negro  has  received  has  apparently  not  directed  him 
into  professional  service. 

The  Negro  and  Crime.  It  was  the  contention  of  the  early  organ- 
izers of  the  Mississippi  school  system  that  education  would  reduce 
criminality.  Many  Southerners  who  at  first  were  reluctant  to 
shoulder  the  expensive  responsibility  of  Negro  schools  were  some- 
what reconciled  to  their  burden  by  the  prospect  of  a  safer  and  more 
orderly  society.  Whenever  Negro  education  has  been  advocated 
the  argument  that  it  would  make  the  race  more  law-abiding  has  been 
brought  forward. 

In  more  recent  times  Senator  Vardaman  and  other  observers  of 
Negro  life  have  expressed  the  opinion  that  the  education  the  Negro 
has  received  has  not  tended  to  lift  him  to  a  higher  level  of  morality. 
In  the  face  of  this  contention  we  may  well  raise  the  question  whether 
or  not  forty  years  of  education — or  lack  of  proper  education — have 
tended  to  improve  the  status  of  the  Negro  in  the  eyes  of  the  law. 
In  our  attempt  to  answer  this  question  we  shall  let  the  statistics 
in  the  reports  of  the  superintendent  of  the  state  penitentiary  speak 
"for  themselves.  These  figures  do  not  furnish  all  the  information 
we  desire,  but  such  as  is  given  provides  the  basis  for  some  very 
definite  conclusions. 

In  answer  to  the  question  whether  or  not  literacy  tends  to  dimin- 
ish crime  we  offer  the  following  data:  Of  the  reports  examined,  only 
the  one  for  1909-1911  tabulates  the  number  of  illiterate  criminals. 
In  this  year,  we  find  that  944  of  the  1,834  inmates  of  the  peniten- 
tiary were  illiterate,  and  that  28  others  were  unable  to  write.  Of 
the  total  population  ten  years  of  age  and  over  in  Mississippi,  22.4 
per  cent,  are  illiterate.  We  find,  therefore,  that  over  50  per  cent, 
of  the  criminals  are  coming  from  an  illiterate  population  representing 


Influence  of  Education  123 

but  22.4  per  cent,  of  the  whole.  It  seems  clear  that  literacy  and 
keeping  out  of  jail  go  together.  To  what  extent  this  generalization 
will  apply  to  the  Negro  we  can  but  draw  our  own  inference,  since 
literate  and  illiterate  criminals  are  not  classified  according  to  race 
in  the  report. 

I  have  collected  and  tabulated  the  most  significant  facts  in  the 
reports  of  the  superintendent  of  the  state  penitentiary.  These  facts 
are  presented  in  Table  VIII.  In  the  study  of  this  table  we  are 
hampered  by  the  fact  that  the  crimes  committed  by  the  criminals 
of  each  race  are  not  specified.  But  since  such  a  large  proportion 
of  the  criminals  belong  to  the  Negro  race,  we  are  reasonably  safe 
in  drawing  inferences  with  respect  to  the  race  from  the  figures  as 
given.  A  point  that  will  probably  occur  to  the  reader  as  striking  is 
the  slump  in  the  prison  population  in  1890.  ,  The  superintendent 
accounts  for  this  by  calling  attention  to  the  raising  of  the  limit  of 
the  fine  for  petty  larceny  from  ten  to  twenty-five  dollars. ^^  The  con- 
clusions which  we  will  draw,  however,  need  not  be  affected  by  the 
exceptionally  low  figures  for  this  year. 

A  number  of  facts  brought  out  in  Table  VIII  strike  us  with  start- 
ling effect: 

1.  Although  the  Negro  population  of  Mississippi  has,  during  the 
three  decades  of  the  study,  represented  but  fifty-six  per  cent,  of  the 
total  population,  it  has  furnished  nine-tenths  of  the  criminals. 

2.  The  number  of  Negro  convicts  has  increased  84.6  per  cent,  in 
thirty  years,  paralleling  an  increase  in  the  total  Negro  population 
of  55.2.  The  number  of  white  convicts  has  increased  77.1  per  cent., 
paralleling   an   increase  in  the  white  population  of  64  per  cent. 

3.  Crimes  against  property  in  1880  were  twice  as  numerous  as 
crimes  against  the  person;  in  1910,  the  opposite  was  true,  the  crimes 
against  property  representing  scarcely  fifty  per  cent,  of  the  crimes 
against  the  person. 

4.  With  respect  to  the  particular  crimes  for  which  the  criminals 
were  sentenced,  we  note  that  for  every  case  of  murder  and  for  every 
case  of  manslaughter  recorded  in  1880,  there  were  five  recorded  in 
1 910.  The  increase  in  the  population  may  modify  these  figures, 
but  it  can  by  no  means  rob  them  of  their  terrible  truth. 

5.  There  were  almost  three  times  the  number  of  cases  of  rape  in 
1 910  than  there  were  thirty  years  before.     The  number  of  cases 

"  Report  of  Superintendent  of  Penitentiary,  1890,  p.  13. 


124 


Public  Schools  in  Mississippi 


practically  doubled  between  1900  and  1910.    The  number  of  cases 
of  attempted  rape  also  was  multiplied  threefold  in  thirty  years.^^ 

6.  There  were  three  cases  of  assault  in  1910  to  one  in  1880. 

7.  Larceny  is  apparently  on  the  decline,  and  robbery  and  burg- 
lary on  the  increase. 

TABLE  VIII 
CRIMINALS  IN  THE  MISSISSIPPI  PENITENTIARY 

{Statistics  Compiled  from  Reports  of  the  Superintendent) 


jgio^* 

JpOOi* 

i8go^* 

j88o^-> 

Total  number  of  convicts 

1,834 

910 

485 

997 

Number  of  colored  convicts 

I.67I 

823 

435 

905 

Number  of  white  convicts 

163 

87 

50 

92 

TOTAL   CRIMES   AGAINST    PROPERTY'S 

518 

311 

177 

622 

Grand  larceny 

139 

98 

75 

323 

Larceny 

29 

III 

Forgery 

3 

16 

24 

18 

Robbery 

46 

26 

13 

12 

Burglary 

243 

116 

45 

92 

Burglary  and  larceny 

58 

55 

30 

66 

CASES  OF  PERSONAL  VIOLENCE'S 

1,201 

517 

250 

270 

Murdeic 

509 

175 

90 

95 

Manslaughter 

374 

166 

75 

70 

Assault  to  kill,  rob,  or  rape 

221 

no 

54 

72 

Attempted  rape 

56 

45 

14 

17 

Rape 

41 

21 

17 

16 

CRIMES  UNDER  OTHER  TITLES 

115 

82 

58 

105 

"  Doubtless  a  large  number  of  the  cases  of  rape  represented  by  these  commitments 
were  crimes  against  Negro  women.  See  Stone:  Studies  in  the  American  Race 
Problem,  p.  97. 

"  Based  on  number  of  convicts,  July  i,  191 1. 

15  Based  on  number  of  convicts,  September  30,  1900. 

1^  Based  on  number  of  convicts,  December  4,  1890. 

1^  Figures  based  on  number  of  convicts,  December  i,  1879. 

18  Represents  total  of  crimes  in  this  grouping  committed  by  convicts  in  State  Peni- 
tentiary. 


Influence  of  Education  125 

8.  Forgery,  an  offense  dependent  upon  a  certain  amount  of  school 
training,  has  never  carried  many  Negroes  in  this  state  to  the  peni- 
tentiary, and  now  shows  a  slight  tendency  toward  declining. 

In  furnishing  an  unduly  large  proportion  of  criminals  from  the 
Negro  race,  Mississippi  is  not  an  exception  among  the  states  of  the 
Union.  Nor  is  the  alarming  increase  in  crime  among  Negroes  excep- 
tional in  the  case  of  Mississippi.  Professor  Walter  F.  Wilcox  in 
1899  pointed  out  the  fact  ^^  that  Negro  criminality  was  increasing 
faster  in  northern  than  in  southern  states.  The  Negro  Year  Book  ^^ 
for  191 7  indicates  that  the  same  tendencies  have  continued  down  to 
the  present. 

More  notable,  perhaps,  than  anything  else  is  the  rapid  increase  in 
the  number  of  crimes  involving  personal  violence.  It  would  be 
interesting  to  know  to  what  extent  the  commitments  have  been 
made  for  difficulties  involving  race  antagonism,  but  the  statistics 
throw  no  light  on  this  phase  of  the  subject.  The  truth  is  that 
Negroes  are  acquiring  more  respect  for  property  and  are  tending 
to  respect  persons  less.  Is  this  not  a  problem  for  education,  at 
least  for  an  educational  experiment? 

The  apparent  increase  in  crime  in  Mississippi  may  perhaps  be 
extenuated  by  the  fact  that  the  courts  have  become  increasingly 
more  vigilant.  Probably  also,  Negroes  have  tended  more  and  more 
to  bring  their  grievances  into  court.  On  the  other  hand,  it  is  fair  to 
surmise  that  murders  and  manslaughters  have  at  all  times  found 
their  way  into  the  courts,  and  that  the  increase  indicated  by  the 
figures  comes  very  near  representing  the  truth  for  these  crimes.^ 

Professor  Wilcox  claims  that  the  primary  cause  of  crime  is  defec- 
tive family  life  and  training.^^  Hence,  he  declares,  crime  is  most 
common  during  the  years  just  after  the  child  has  passed  out  from  the 
control  of  the  family,  while  he  is  finding  himself  ill-adapted  by 
training  for  the  new  sphere  of  life.  Statistics  for  Mississippi  bear 
him  out  in  his  conclusion.  In  1890,  272,  or  nearly  half  of  the  485 
inmates  of  the  penitentiary,  were  under  twenty-five  years  of  age, 
and  109,  or  nearly  one-fourth,  were  under  twenty.  The  same  pro- 
portion holds  for  1900. 

19  Stone:   Studies  in  the  American  Race  Problem,  p.  443. 
*"  Negro  Year  Book,  1917,  p.  335. 
"  Stone:   loc.  cit. 


126  Public  Schools  in  Mississippi 

Since  defective  family  life  seems  to  play  an  important  part  as  a 
cause  of  crime,  it  would  be  well  at  this  point  to  investigate  the 
status  of  the  Negro  family  in  Mississippi. 

The  United  States  Commissioner  of  Labor  in  1889  asserted  that 
almost  seventy-five  per  cent,  of  the  divorces  in  the  South  were 
granted  to  Negroes .^^  In  this  statement  he  may  have  been  in  error 
because  it  is  not  always  easy  to  estimate  the  number  of  divorces  in 
securing  census  returns.  Many  divorced  people  report  themselves 
as  single,  and  thus  tend  to  reduce  the  total.  From  a  Special  Report 
of  the  United  States  Census  Office  ^^  in  1909  we  learn  that  41.8  per 
cent,  of  the  white  population  of  Mississippi  fifteen  years  of  age  and 
over  are  married,  and  that  58.2  per  cent,  of  the  colored  population 
of  the  same  age  are  married.  We  learn  also  that  16.3  per  cent,  of 
all  divorces  were  granted  to  whites,  and  83.7  per  cent,  to  Negroes. 
The  percentage  of  divorce  for  the  Negro  race  in  Mississippi  exceeds 
that  of  all  other  states.  For  the  reason  stated  above,  the  estimate 
for  Mississippi  is  probably  not  too  high.  Other  statistics  in  the 
special  report  indicate  that  divorce  is  more  prevalent  in  black  than 
in  white  counties,  and  that  the  number  of  divorces  is  increasing. 

It  seems,  therefore,  that  there  is  a  very  close  correlation  of  defec- 
tive family  life  and  crime  in  Mississippi,  and  that  the  remedy  will 
lie  in  the  improvement  of  the  marital  relations  of  the  Negro  and 
in  the  providing  of  some  form  of  education  that  will  make  up  for 
the  deficiencies  of  home  training.  Upon  this  subject.  Professor 
Wilcox  says  ^^  that  the  most  effective  safeguard  against  crime  is  the 
inculcation  in  children  by  their  parents  of  the  desire  to  work  and 
earn  a  living.  He  adds:  "If  the  Negro  family  on  the  average  is  far 
less  effective  than  the  white,  the  education  provided  for  the  Negro 
children  should  aim  frankly  to  supplement  the  shortcomings  of 
their  family  life  and  reduce  their  temptations  to  crime  by  increas- 
ing their  desire  and  ability  to  live  by  legitimate  industry." 

Clarence  H.  Poe,  a  southern  white  man,  in  1904  took  the  statistics 
which  seemed  to  indicate  that  the  Negro  was  becoming  more  crim- 
inal as  he  received  more  education,  and  clearly  proved  that  the 

^  Marriage  and  Divorce,  Part  I,  p.  21. 

23  Ibid.,  p,  20. 

2*  Stone:  Studies  in  the  American  Race  Problem,  p.  448. 


Influence  of  Education  127 

figures  had  been  misinterpreted.^^    In  concluding  his  argument  in 
favor  of  increased  educational  facilities  for  Negroes,  he  says: 

It  is  plain,  therefore,  that  even  with  the  pitifully  fooHsh  and  inefficient 
methods  which  have  obtained  heretofore,  the  schooling  the  Negro  has  had, 
has  been  helpful  and  not  harmful.  But  we  must  adopt  a  wiser  policy.  In- 
dustrial education,  as  exemplified  in  Hampton  and  Tuskegee  Institutes, 
strikes  directly  at  the  evils  which  foster  crime;  and  to  breathe  the  spirit  of 
these  institutions  into  the  general  public  school  system  of  the  race  is  the 
imperative  and  immediate  duty  of  those  who  have  the  matter  in  charge.  To 
delay  in  this  means  danger.  It  is  the  impotence  and  ineptness  of  the  old 
systems  that  have  brought  people  to  doubt  the  wisdom  of  all  Negro  educa- 
tion. A  direct  result  is  the  triumph  of  Governor  Vardaman  of  Mississippi  on 
the  platform,  "No  white  taxes  to  teach  Negro  schools.'* 

Gilbert  T.  Stephenson,  one  of  the  foremost  authorities  on  the 
legal  status  of  the  Negro,  in  191 7,  adduces  evidence  which  tends  to 
show  that  the  cause  of  crime  among  Negroes  is  lack  of  sufficient 
education  of  the  proper  kind.^^  The  small  amount  of  education 
which  they  have  received  has  been  scarcely  enough  to  function. 
Citing  an  estimate  from  the  Mississippi  Penitentiary,  he  shows  that 
in  one  camp  consisting  of  450  Negroes  about  half  could  neither  read 
nor  write,  and  that  less  than  ten  per  cent,  of  the  other  half  had  any- 
thing like  a  fair  education. 

We  may  say  finally  that  the  contention  that  crime  among  Negroes 
is  increasing  in  Mississippi  is  supported  by  undeniable  facts.  When 
the  question  is  raised  whether  this  is  because  of,  or  in  spite  of,  the 
education  they  have  received,  I  believe  there  can  be  but  one  answer. 
We  have  pointed  out  that  twenty-two  per  cent,  of  the  adult  popula- 
tion of  the  state  is  furnishing  over  fifty  per  cent,  of  the  criminals; 
we  have  also  pointed  out  that  Negro  family  life  is  defective,  and 
consequently  home  training  is  deficient  in  a  very  large  number  of 
cases;  we  have  pointed  out  that  the  school  facilities  which  have 
been  provided  for  Negro  children  have  been  far  from  adequate. 
These  are  causes  sufficient  to  account  for  the  situation.  The 
beneficent  results  of  proper  education  as  shown  in  the  graduates  of 
Hampton  and  Tuskegee  may  put  at  rest  the  fears  of  any  who  doubt 
the  moral  value  of  education.  We  may  admit  that  crime  is  due  to 
deficient  education,  but  we  cannot  say  that  literacy  is  the  cause  of 

"  Atlantic  Monthly,  1904,  p.  162. 

^^  South  Atlantic  Quarterly,  January,  1917,  p.  16. 


128  Public  Schools  in  Mississippi 

crime.  Although  we  may  well  question  whether  formal  instruction 
in  letters  and  computing — the  sum  total  of  the  average  Negro's 
education — is  sufficient  to  insure  economic  efficiency  and  sound 
moral  life,  we  must  refuse  to  believe  that  this  instruction  has  been 
positively  detrimental.  Can  we  hope  for  education  to  function  in 
social  efficiency  unless  we  provide  definite  training  in  morals  and 
in  the  things  that  make  for  economic  independence? 

Summary.  In  concluding  this  chapter  we  do  not  wish  to  overlook 
the  fact  that  in  isolated  cases  the  Negro  race  in  Mississippi  has  made 
marked  progress.  Banks,  newspapers,  insurance  companies,  and 
other  business  enterprises  have  been  organized  and  successfully 
operated  by  Negroes.  Mound  Bayou,  a  Negro  town  of  about  600 
inhabitants,  is  owned  and  governed  exclusively  by  Negroes.  For 
the  masses,  however,  the  lack  of  progress  indicated  by  the  statistical 
studies  of  this  chapter,  is  typical.  This  lack  of  progress  is  not  an 
argument  that  education  has  been  useless,  but  a  plea  that  a  more 
ample  provision  be  made  and  that  the  form  of  education  be  adapted 
Xto  the  needs  of  the  race.  In  view  of  the  meager  equipment  of  the 
public  schools,  the  short  terms,  the  formal  course  of  study,  the  ill- 
trained  and  poorly  paid  teachers,  it  would  be  marvelous,  indeed, 
if  greater  results  were  forthcoming.  It  is  trite  to  say  that  the 
virtual  stagnation  of  fifty-six  per  cent,  of  the  population  of  Missis- 
sippi constitutes  a  menace  to  the  social  and  economic  health  of  the 
state.  Better  facilities  and  specific  training  leading  to  moral  and 
economic  efficiency  will  alone  improve  the  situation. 


CHAPTER  XII 
SOCIAL  AND  ECONOMIC  PROGRESS 

Density  and  Distribution  of  the  Population,  and  its  Influence  on 
Education.  A  few  facts  in  regard  to  the  density  and  distribution  of 
the  population  in  Mississippi  will  serve  to  throw  light  on  the  edu- 
cational situation.  The  author  has  compiled  a  few  such  facts  from 
the  Twelfth  and  Thirteenth  Censuses  and  placed  them  in  tabular 
form  in  Table  IX.  It  will  be  observed  that  the  total  population  of 
the  state  increased  in  twenty  years  over  500,000,  representing  a 
percentage  increase  of  about  40  per  cent.  During  the  same  period 
the  number  of  towns  with  over  2,500  inhabitants,  doubled  in  num- 
ber, and  the  urban  population  increased  threefold.  The  density  of 
the  state  increased  from  27.4  persons  to  the  square  mile  in  1890,  to 
38.2  persons  to  the  square  mile  in  1 910.  It  should  be  observed,  how- 
ever, that,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  there  was  a  large  increase  in  the 
urban  population,  and  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  the  rural  population 
was  relatively  less  in  1910  than  in  1890,  there  was  an  absolute  in- 
crease of  over  300,000  in  the  number  of  country  people. 

Both  white  and  colored  races  seem  to  have  shared  the  increase 
almost  equally,  although  the  white  population  increased  somewhat 
more  rapidly  than  the  colored  race  during  the  last  decade.  It  is 
evident  that  the  Negro  population  in  Mississippi  is  still  the  dominant 
racial  element  in  respect  to  numbers.  Mississippi  and  South  Caro- 
lina are  the  only  two  southern  states  where  this  is  true.  In  1900, 
among  the  states  of  the  Union,  Mississippi  had  the  second  largest 
Negro  population.  In  thirty-eight  of  the  seventy-nine  counties, 
the  Thirteenth  Census  shows  that  half  the  inhabitants  were  Negroes; 
in  seventeen  counties  three-fourths  of  the  inhabitants  were  Negroes; 
in  Issaquena  County  94.2  per  cent,  of  the  population  were  of  the 
colored  race. 

These  facts  bring  home  to  us  the  truth  that  the  educational 
problem  in  Mississippi  is  largely  a  rural  problem.  They  suggest  the 
difficulties  which  confront  the  state  in  its  efforts  to  provide  educa- 
tional facilities  for  a  population  so  widely  distributed.    They  sug- 


I30 


Public  Schools  in  Mississippi 


gest,  further,  the  burden  which  must  be  imposed  upon  the  white  tax- 
payers, if  they  are  to  provide  equal  educational  facilities  not  only 
for  their  own  children,  but  also  for  the  children  of  the  colored  race. 

TABLE  IX 

DENSITY  AND  DISTRIBUTION  OF  POPULATION,  189O-I9IO 

{Compiled  from  United  States  Census  Reports) 


igio 

IQOO 

i8go 

Total  population 

1,797,114 

1,551,270 

1,289,600 

Number  of  towns  over  2,500 

24 

22 

12 

Population  of  towns  over  2,500 

207,311 

120,035 

69,966 

Population  of  country 

1,589,803 

1,431,235 

1,219,634 

Per  cent,  city 

11-5 

7-7 

5-4 

Per  cent,  rural 

88.5 

92.3 

94.6 

Number  of  people  per  square  mile 

38.2 

331 

27.4 

Total  white  population 

786,111 

641,200 

544,851 

Total  colored  population 

1,009,487 

907,630 

742,559 

Per  cent,  white 

43-7 

413 

42.4 

Per  cent,  colored 

56.2 

58.5 

57.6 

Illiteracy.  The  illiteracy  situation  in  Mississippi  is  summarized 
in  the  Thirteenth  Census :  ^ 

There  are  290,235  illiterates  in  the  state,  representing  22.4  per  cent,  of 
the  total  population  ten  years  of  age  and  over,  as  compared  with  32  per  cent, 
in  1900.  The  percentage  of  illiteracy  is  35.6  among  the  Negroes,  15.  i  among 
foreign-born  whites,  and  5.2  among  native  whites.  It  is  5.3  for  native  whites 
of  native  parentage  and  2.2  for  native  whites  of  foreign  and  mixed  parentage. 

For  each  class  of  the  population  the  percentage  of  illiterates  in  the  rural 
population  greatly  exceeds  that  in  the  urban;  and  for  all  classes  combined 
the  percentage  is  23.8  in  the  rural  population  as  against  13  in  the  urban.  For 
persons  from  ten  to  twenty  years,  inclusive,  whose  illiteracy  depends  largely 
upon  present  school  facilities  and  school  attendance,  the  percentage  of  illite- 
racy is  14.4. 

Here  again  we  meet  a  rural  problem  and  a  problem  of  educating 
the  colored  population.    The  illiteracy  among  native  whites  is  rela- 

1  Thirteenth  Census,  1910,  Population,  p.  1038. 


Social  and  Economic  Progress 


131 


tively  small,  and  that  among  foreign-born  whites  does  not  consti- 
tute a  menace,  since  Mississippi  receives  a  very  small  number  of 
immigrants  from  foreign  countries. 

With  particular  reference  to  the  Negro  race  we  observe  that 
25.7  per  cent,  of  the  urban  population  and  36.8  per  cent,  of  the 
rural  population  are  illiterate.  It  seems  clear  that  the  fault  lies 
mainly  in  lack  of  facilities  for  instruction  in  rural  communities.  ^ 

That  the  school  system  is  still  not  more  than  two-thirds  as  effi- 
cient as  it  should  be,  is  indicated  by  the  fact  that  in  1910  only  63.7 
per  cent,  of  the  Negro  children  between  the  ages  of  six  and  fourteen 
were  in  school.  However,  we  must  concede  the  fact  that  much 
has  been  done  with  meager  facilities  toward  equipping  Negroes 
with  a  knowledge  of  reading  and  writing. 

Economic  Development.  From  the  figures  in  the  accompanying 
table  it  is  evident  that  there  was  a  very  small  increase  in  the  wealth 
of  the  state  from  1886  to  1899.  In  fact,  the  assessed  valuation  of 
property  in  1899  was  still  below  the  assessed  valuation  in  1870  when 
the  school  system  was  established.^  By  comparing  the  figures  here 
given  with  those  given  at  the  beginning  of  this  study  (page  3) 
we  find  that  the  state  as  late  as  1909  was  only  three-fifths  as  wealthy 
as  it  was  before  the  Civil  War. 


Value  of  realty 

Value  of  personal  property 

Value  of  real  and  personal  property 


1909 


$231,889,588 
109,928,544 
341,818,132 


1899 


>i  13,210,931 

48,258,651 

161,469,582 


1886 


$88,496,483 

40,702,561 

129,199,044 


The  greater  part  of  the  wealth  of  the  state  has  consisted  of  farm 
property.  The  census  of  1910  tells  the  story  of  the  increase  in  this 
form  of  wealth  in  the  following  words :  ^  "The  total  value  of  farm 
property  increased  during  the  last  ten  years  by  $222,094,000,  or 
108.8  per  cent.  To  this  total  increase,  $182,155,000  was  contri- 
buted to  by  land  and  buildings;    $32,590,000  by  live  stock;    and 

2  Negroes  in  the  United  States,  pp.  100-102. 

3  The  author  is  aware  that  assessed  value  is  not  always  true  value,  but  in  the  present 

instance  it  is  the  only  available  means  of  estimating  value. 
^Abstract  of  Census,  1910,  Mississippi  Supplement,  p.  612. 


132  Public  Schools  in  Mississippi 

$7,349,000  by  implements  and  machinery.  The  total  absolute  gain 
was  more  than  six  times  as  great,  and  the  total  percentage  gain 
nearly  five  times  as  great  between  1900  and  1910,  as  during  the 
decade  immediately  preceding."  We  may  add  by  way  of  explana- 
tion that  between  1880  and  1890  the  value  of  farm  property  in- 
creased only  37.1  per  cent.;  and  between  1890  and  1900,  only  22 
per  cent. 

It  is  clear  that  the  state  has  been  slow  to  recover  from  the  eco- 
nomic demoralization  which  succeeded  the  Civil  War.  During  the 
first  three  decades  of  our  study  very  little  progress  was  made.  With 
the  opening  of  the  new  century,  however,  progress  has  been  made 
by  leaps  and  bounds. 

Evidences  of  the  struggle  the  state  was  having  in  its  efforts  to 
meet  the  ever-increasing  demands  of  the  schools,  are  not  wanting. 
Complaints  against  heavy  taxation  were  being  continuously  raised. 
In  1882,  the  school  fund  was  increased  $100,000  by  legislative 
enactment,  and  the  state  tax  was  decreased  from  three  to  two  and 
one-half  mills.  This  caused  a  deficit,  ^  and  brought  about  retrench- 
ment in  1888.  In  1897,  the  six-mill  tax  levy  failed  to  meet  the 
legislative  appropriations,  and  the  schools  stood  in  danger  of  being 
closed.  ^  The  governor  had  to  call  a  special  session  of  the  legislature 
to  remedy  the  situation.  Crop  failures  and  epidemics  of  yellow  fever 
from  year  to  year  contributed  to  the  demoralization. 

The  state  school  fund  in  1886,  including  fines  and  forfeitures, 
retained  in  the  counties,  amounted  to  $335»55i-23;  by  1899,  it  had 
increased  to  $675,645.78;  and  by  1909,  to  $1,249,516.64.  The 
schools  were  therefore  demanding  in  1909  four  times  as  much  as  in 
1886.  These  figures  seem  to  indicate  that  the  demands  of  the 
schools  were  increasing  more  rapidly  than  the  ability  to  pay. 

As  increased  economic  prosperity  resulted  in  the  improvement 
of  school  facilities,  so,  in  turn,  increased  efficiency  in  the  school 
system  has  doubtless  tended  to  augment  economic  prosperity. 
Within  the  last  ten  years  conditions  of  rural  life  have  improved 
wonderfully.  Good  roads,  rural  free  delivery,  telephones,  diversi- 
fied farming,  have  contributed  to  the  forward  movement.  Missis- 
sippi is  now  demonstrating  her  faith  in  public  education  by  appro- 
priating, year  by  year,  larger  and  larger  sums  for  its  support. 

'  Message  of  Governor  Lowry,  January  5,  1888. 

«  House  Journal,  Extra  Session,  1897,  Message  of  Governor,  p.  8. 


CHAPTER  XIII 
CONCLUSIONS 

I.  In  an  agricultural  state,  so  sparsely  settled  as  Mississippi,  the 
burden  of  maintaining  separate  schools  for  the  two  races  has  been  ex- 
tremely heavy. 

1 .  The  burden  has  been  all  the  more  heavy  because  the  state  has 
been  slow  to  recover  from  the  demoralization  of  the  Civil  War, 
and  to  establish  itself  upon  a  new  economic  basis. 

2.  The  burden  became  increasingly  heavy  with  the  awakening 
of  the  white  people  to  the  benefits  to  be  derived  from  public  edu- 
cation.   This  was  certainly  true  down  to  1900. 

3.  With  the  increase  of  the  educational  wants  of  the  white  race, 
the  white  people  have  become  more  and  more  jealous  of  the  amount 
that  was  required  to  defray  the  cost  of  Negro  schools. 

4.  The  inequitable  method  of  distributing  the  school  fund  among 
the  counties  has  caused  the  tax-payers  of  certain  counties  to  feel 
that  they  were  being  discriminated  against,  and  to  believe  that  the 
Negro  schools — more  specifically  the  black  counties — ^were  draw- 
ing more  than  their  proportionate  share  of  the  state's  revenues. 

5.  Although  loud  complaints  have  been  raised  against  the  taxa- 
tion of  the  whites  to  support  Negro  schools,  a  conservative  element 
has  in  most  instances  controlled  the  legislative  assemblies  and  pre- 
vented action  which  might  have  proved  disastrous  to  Negro  schools. 

II.  Public  sentitnent  in  regard  to  the  education  of  the  Negro  has 
been  divided.  One  wing  has  regarded  education  as  a  social  necessity; 
another  has  held  that  the  cost  of  the  education  of  the  colored  race  was 
greater  than  the  returns  that  came  from  it. 

I.  During  the  first  decade  after  the  close  of  the  Civil  War,  south- 
ern leaders  seem  generally  to  have  favored  the  education  of  the  Negro. 
The  opposition  to  public  education  which  developed  during  this  period 
seems  to  have  been  directed  more  against  the  abuses  orits  adminis- 
tration under  the  Reconstructionists  than  against  the  education 
of  the  Negro.  Among  the  southern  leaders  who  were  outspoken 
in  their  belief  in  the  education  of  the  Negro,  were  Governor  Hum- 


134  Public  Schools  in  Mississippi 

phreys,  Senator  J.  Z.  George,  Governor  Stone,  and  State  Super- 
intendents Joseph  Bardwell  and  Thomas  Gathright. 

2.  Legislation  during  the  period  immediately  succeeding  the 
Reconstruction  carefully  conserved  the  rights  of  the  Negroes. 

3.  From  the  first  there  seems  to  have  been  in  the  minds  of  some 
a  lack  of  faith  in  the  capacity  of  the  Negro  to  profit  by  instruction. 
In  later  days  this  sentiment  found  expression  in  the  utterances  of 
Vardaman  and  his  followers. 

4.  Belief  that  industrial  training  offered  the  best  form  of  edu- 
cation for  Negroes  became  evident  during  the  eighties,  but  it  has 
never  developed  strength  enough  to  bring  about  the  adoption  of 
the  principle. 

5.  Among  the  leaders  in  later  days,  advocates  for  giving  the 
Negro  adequate  educational  opportunities  have  not  been  wanting. 
The  most  prominent  spokesmen  for  the  Negro's  rights  were  Gov- 
ernors Longino  and  Noel,  Superintendents  Preston  and  Kincannon, 
and  Bishop  Galloway. 

6.  Although  opposition  to  the  prevailing  form  of  education  has 
apparently  been  the  dominant  political  sentiment  within  recent 
years,  radical  action  has  in  most  cases  been  successfully  combatted 
by  a  conservative  majority. 

7.  White  educators  have  generally  favored  providing  adequate 
school  facilities  for  Negroes. 

8.  The  Negroes  in  early  days  were  enthusiastic  and  eager  to  secure 
education.  We  have  few  expressions  from  them  in  recent  years,  but 
the  impression  one  gets  is  that  the  masses  have  become  apathetic. 

III.  On  account  of  the  financial  depression  of  the  state,  rapid  edu- 
cational progress  was  retarded  until  after  igoo.  Despite  unfavorable 
conditions  during  certain  periods,  the  efficiency  of  the  white  schools 
has  slowly  but  steadily  increased.  The  efficiency  of  Negro  schools, 
on  the  other  hand,  has  not  improved,  and  even  shows  signs  of  retro- 
gression. 

1.  The  efforts  of  the  Reconstructlonists  resulted  in  the  organiza- 
tion of  a  strong  administrative  machine,  but  one  too  expensive  for 
a  state  in  sore  economic  straits.  To  these  efforts,  however,  is  due 
the  establishment  of  a  large  number  of  Negro  schools. 

2.  The  southern  Democrats,  after  overthrowing  the  carpet-bag 
government,  were  forced  to  retrench  along  educational  lines.     Re- 


Conclusions  135 

trenchment  resulted  disastrously  for  both  white  and  colored  schools, 
but  there  was  no  direct  move  to  deprive  the  Negro  of  the  privileges 
of  education. 

3.  During  the  first  decade  after  the  return  to  southern  rule,  the 
enrolment  and  average  daily  attendance  increased  rapidly,  but  the 
efficiency  of  the  schools  was  of  a  very  low  order. 

4.  The  reforms  of  1886  gave  the  schools  administrative  machinery 
which  has  remained  substantially  unchanged  until  the  present  date. 
Statistics  indicate  very  little  progress  in  white  schools  from  1886 
to  1900,  yet  considering  the  activity  of  the  state  department,  there 
was  probably  internal  progress  which  is  not  evident  in  the  figures. 
Statistics  indicate  that  Negro  schools  during  this  period  were  posi- 
tively on  the  retrograde.  The  enrolment  increased,  but  the  average 
daily  attendance  and  the  number  of  teachers  remained  stationary. 
The  number  of  pupils  per  teacher  increased  from  50.9  to  63.5,  and 
the  average  monthly  salary  decreased  about  eight  dollars. 

5.  The  period  from  1900  to  19 10  is  a  period  of  marked  prosperity 
for  the  white  schools.  A  larger  number  of  children  were  now  being 
reached,  and  more  efficient  supervision,  better  teachers,  and  more 
comfortable  buildings  were  now  being  provided.  The  Negro  schools, 
however,  show  few  signs  of  improvement.  They  have  continued  to 
be  poorly  equipped,  poorly  attended,  and  poorly  taught. 

6.  The  efficiency  of  Negro  teachers,  as  represented  by  the  grade 
of  certificate  held,  has  steadily  declined  since  1890.  This  has  in 
part  been  due  to  the  cutting  off  of  the  support  of  the  Normal  De- 
partment of  Tougaloo  University,  and  the  closing  of  the  Holly 
Springs  State  Normal. 

7.  Never  directly,  except  in  the  case  of  the  closing  of  the  State 
Normal  School,  has  the  state  discriminated  against  the  Negro 
schools.  A  four-months'  term  is  mandatory,  and  both  white  and 
colored  children  are  to  receive  the  benefit  of  the  state  school  fund. 
The  present  plan  of  distributing  the  school  fund  has  even  worked 
in  favor  of  the  Negroes  to  the  extent  of  providing  comparatively 
high  salaries  for  Negro  teachers  in  the  populous  black  counties. 
A  county  institute  is  provided  for  each  race  if  the  number  of  school 
districts  for  each  race  exceed  fifteen. 

Loopholes  for  discrimination  by  county  authorities  have  been  left, 
by  permitting  the  county  superintendents  to  fix  the  salaries  of 
teachers  within  certain  limits,  and  by  basing  the  salary  upon  the 


136  Public  Schools  in  Mississippi 

grade  of  certificate  awarded  by  the  county  examining  board.  Al- 
though under  this  law  the  salaries  of  white  teachers  have  always 
been  higher  than  those  of  colored  teachers,  it  is  impossible  to  tell 
to  what  extent  discrimination  has  been  practised,  since  county 
superintendents  are  required  to  take  into  consideration  not  only  the 
grade  of  certificate,  but  also  the  average  attendance,  the  ability 
of  the  teacher  to  manage  the  school,  etc.  The  supply  of  teachers, 
and  the  differing  social  wants  of  the  two  races  have  doubtless 
helped  to  determine  the  salaries  paid  Negro  teachers. 

IV.  Lack  of  progress  in  education  is  paralleled  by  a  lack  of  progress 
in  the  social  and  economic  life  of  the  Negro.  The  slender  provision  for 
education  offered  in  the  public  schools  has  been  insufficient  to  produce 
appreciable  results.  Besides,  no  attempt  has  been  made  to  provide 
training  suited  to  the  needs  of  the  colored  race. 

1.  As  a  rule,  Negroes  have  been  slow  to  acquire  homes  of  their 
own,  but  in  the  cities  of  the  state,  where  the  schools  are  under 
the  supervision  of  competent  white  superintendents,  they  have 
acquired  homes  more  rapidly  than  elsewhere. 

2.  They  have  made  little  progress  in  the  ownership  of  farm  prop- 
erty and  have  not  developed  managerial  ability  to  any  extent.  As 
an  economic  factor,  the  Negro  farmer  represents  a  very  low  degree 
of  efficiency.  With  proper  training  along  agricultural  lines,  how- 
ever, he  promises  to  make  a  much  more  efficient  operative. 

3.  It  can  hardly  be  said  that  the  education  which  has  in  past 
been  provided,  has  directed  any  considerable  number  of  Negroes 
into  the  professions,  nor  is  it  likely  that  the  Negro  will  compete 
successfully  in  this  field  for  some  years  to  come. 

4.  Crime  among  Negroes  is  certainly  on  the  increase.  It  cannot 
be  declared  that  education  is  the  cause  of  this,  for  many  of  the 
prisoners  are  illiterate.  Besides,  the  schooling  which  has  been  pro- 
vided has  been  scarcely  sufficient  to  influence  Negroes  one  way  or 
the  other.  Further,  defective  home  life,  which  criminologists  agree 
upon  as  the  chief  cause  for  crime,  is  found  to  be  a  very  significant 
factor  among  Mississippi  Negroes.  Proper  training  along  moral 
and  industrial  lines  alone  will  remedy  the  situation.  To  neglect 
to  provide  the  necessary  school  facilities  for  development  along 
these  lines  is  itself  a  crime  against  society,  and  one  which  will  result 
in  the  detriment  of  both  white  and  colored  races. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 

PRIMARY  SOURCES 
STATE  REPORTS,  JOURNALS,  STATISTICAL  DATA,  ETC. 

1.  Reports  of  the  State  Superintendent,  1 870-1 910. 

2.  Reports  of  the  United  States  Commissioner  of  Education,  1 870-1910. 

3.  Reports  of  the  State  Treasurer,  1872,  1874. 

4.  Reports  of  the  State  Auditor,  1874,  1876,  1886,  1889,  1900,  1901,  1903,  1905, 

'  1907,  1909,  1910. 

5.  State  Laws,  1845,  1 865-1910. 

6.  House  and  Senate  Journals,  Messages  of  Governors,  1865-1910. 

7.  Journals  of  Constitutional  Conventions,  1865,  1868,  1890. 

8.  Eleventh,  Twelfth,  and  Thirteenth  Censuses.     Also  Special  Reports. 

9.  Freedmen's  Bureau  Reports,  1 865-1 869. 

10.  Proceedings  of  Peabody  Fund  Trustees,  1 867-1 900. 

11.  United  States  Congress,  Report  of  Committee  on  Southern  Affairs,  1872. 

12.  The  Negro  Year  Book. 

EDUCATIONAL  LITERATURE 

1.  Mississippi  Educational  Journal,  1871. 

2.  American  Journal  of  Education,  1875. 

3.  The  Mississippi  Teacher,  1 888-1 889. 

4.  The  Mississippi  Journal  of  Education,  1895. 

5.  Proceedings  of  Mississippi  Teachers*  Association,  1877,  1883,  1887,  1892, 

1894,  1905,  1910. 

6.  Miscellaneous  papers  and  pamphlets  of  Mission  Boards  doing  work  in  the 

South. 

7.  Current  Periodicals:    World's  Work,  Atlantic  Monthly,  South  Atlantic  Quar- 

terly, etc. 

NEWSPAPERS 

1.  Vicksburg  Times,  1 868-1 870. 

2.  Hinds  County  Gazette,  1870-1878,  1887-1891,  1903-1904. 

3.  The  Weekly  Pilot,  1875. 

4.  Port  Gibson  Record  (Reveille),  1 887-1 890. 

5.  New  Orleans  Times  Democrat,  1903. 

6.  Greenville  Democrat,  1903. 

7.  Jackson  Daily  News,  1903. 

8.  Daily  Clarion,  Brookhaven  Ledger,  Clarion-Ledger,  1868  to  the  present. 

9.  Natchez  Democrat,  1 867-1 873. 


138  Public  Schools  in  Mississippi 

SECONDARY  SOURCES 

1.  Publications  of  the  Mississippi  Historical  Society,  fifteen  volumes. 

2.  Fleming:  Documentary  History  of  Reconstruction,  two  volumes. 

3.  Garner:  Reconstruction  in  Mississippi. 

4.  Lynch :    The  Facts  of  Reconstruction. 

5.  Memoirs  of  Mississippi,  Goodspeed's  Edition. 

6.  Rowland:   Mississippi  (Encyclopedia). 

7.  Lowry  and  McCardle:  History  of  Mississippi. 

8.  Riley:  School  History  of  Mississippi. 

9.  Eaton:  Grant,  Lincoln,  and  the  Freedmen. 

10.  Pierce:   The  Freedmen's  Bureau. 

11.  Fant:    Secondary  Education  in  Mississippi  (New  York  University  disser- 

tation). 

12.  Beeson:    Die  Organisation  der  Neger-erziehung  in  den   Vereinigten  Staaten 

von  Amerika  seit  i860  (Leipzig  dissertation). 

13.  Stone:   Studies  in  the  American  Race  Problem  (including  studies  by  W.  F. 

Wilcox). 

14.  Mayes:  History  of  Education  in  Mississippi. 


STATISTICAL  SUMMARY 
MISSISSIPPI  SCHOOLS  1871  TO  1910 

SCHOOL  POPULATION,  ENROLMENT,  AND  AVERAGE  DAILY 
ATTENDANCE  OF  WHITE  AND  COLORED  CHILDREN 


SCHOOL  POPULATION  1 

ENROLMENT 

AVERAGE  DAILY 

ATTENDANCE 

Year 

White 

Colored 

White 

Colored 

White 

Colored 

1871 

66,257 

45,429 

49,290 

36,040 

1875 

141.514 

176,945 

78,404 

89,813 

40,381 

60,514 

1876 

171,1472 

184,857^ 

76,0262 

90,1782 

65,384' 

68,580' 

1877 

150,504' 

174,485* 

84,374 

76,154 

52,384' 

44,627' 

1878 

155,679 

190,211 

101,201 

104,177 

64,318 

71,608 

1879 

156,434 

205,936 

105,957 

111,796 

66,381 

72,592 

1880 

175.251 

251,438 

112,944 

123,710 

72,881 

83,880 

1881 

180,026 

239,433 

111,655 

125,633 

74,647 

85,417 

1882 

185,026 

259,105 

104,451 

109,630 

61,738 

73,578 

1883 

180,093 

267,478 

125,598 

141,398 

68,946 

85,517 

1884 

185,026 

259,105 

129,647 

149,373 

85,294 

99,127 

1885 

142,177 

154,430 

84,347 

101,038 

1886 

202,532 

369,090 

129,203 

153.530 

84,884 

99,134 

1887 

202,532 

269,090 

126,919 

143,825 

77,868 

85,996 

1888 

196,247 

268,100 

147,817 

162,304 

89,933 

94,085 

1889 

191,792 

272,682 

148,435 

173,552 

90,716 

101,710 

1890 

150,868 

183,290 

96,077 

111,627 

1891 

206,608 

291,014 

154,447 

173,378 

93,282 

104,298 

1892 

214,419 

301,764 

161,986 

178,941 

96,818 

100,457 

1893 

154,459 

180,464 

93,099 

101,844 

1894 

220,751 

320,780 

158,685 

186,899 

98,753 

107,494 

1895 

220,751 

320,780 

162,830 

187,785 

99,048 

103,63s 

1  School  age  is  from  five  to  twenty-one.  • 

2  "Approximately  correct,"  says  superintendent. 
'  Average  monthly  enrolment. 

*  "Estimate  low,"  says  superintendent. 


140  Public  Schools  in  Mississippi 

MISSISSIPPI  SCHOOLS  1871  TO  1910 

SCHOOL  POPULATION,  ENROLMENT,  AND  AVERAGE  DAILY 
ATTENDANCE  OF  WHITE  AND  COLORED  CHILDREN   {Continued) 


SCHOOL  POPULATION 

ENROLMENT 

AVERAGE  DAILY 

ATTENDANCE 

Year 

White 

Colored 

White 

Colored 

White 

Colored 

1896 

2 1 6,300  5 

315,0005 

165,878 

197,875 

1897 

216,300^ 

315,0005 

170,811 

196,768 

1898 

1899 

i67.i78« 

I9i,968« 

98,379'' 

102,447  • 

1900 

227,470 

331,330^ 

1901 

179,142 

208,346 

108,805 

119,190 

1902 

185,214 

213,961 

111,034 

113,919 

1903 

192,881 

210,766 

115,079 

118,096 

1904 

200,365 

233,612 

114,781 

123,390 

1905 

199,293 

224,438 

114,253 

121,039 

1906 

209,752 

243,676 

125,295 

142,602 

1907 

211,549 

270,659 

134,846 

150,201 

1908 

301,548 

410,089 

205,978 

278,713 

122,261 

137,197 

1909 

221,392 

238,639 

138,813 

145,153 

1910 

224,837 

244,300 

118,541 

142,834 

'  United  States  Commissioner's  Report,  1 895-1 896. 

8  In  reports  from  this  date  on,  the  statistics  for  separate  districts  are  given  separately. 

Figures  here  given  are  totals  for  rural  and  separate  district  schools. 
'  United  States  Commissioner's  Report,  school  age,  five  to  eighteen. 


Statistical  Summary 


141 


WHITE  AND  COLORED  TEACHERS,  AVERAGE  MONTHLY 
SALARIES  1875  TO  I9IO 


NUMBER  OF  TEACHERS 

AVERAGE  MONTHLY  SALARIES 

Year 

White 

Colored 

White 

Colored 

1875 

2,859 

2,109 

$57-50' 

$53  A5' 

1876 

1,773' 

1,0052 

41.08 

38.54 

1877 

2,6693 

1.459' 

29.19' 

29.192 

1878 

2,948 

1,813 

27.00 

27.002 

1879 

3,255 

2,112 

30.26 

30.26 

1880 

3,255 

2,314 

30.05 

30.05 

1881 

3,414 

2,644 

30.07 

30.07 

1882 

2,910 

2,272 

30.03 

30.03 

1883 

3,559 

2,784 

32.68 

32.68 

1884 

3,873 

2,933 

28.73 

28.73 

1885 

4,215* 

3,134' 

28.74 

,  28.74 

1886 

3,840 

3,012 

31-37 

27.40 

1887 

3,421 

2,592 

34.44 

25.24 

1888 

3,643 

2,826 

34.52 

24.05 

1889 

4,018 

3,097 

33.97 

24.16 

1890 

4,269 

3,222 

33.37 

23.20 

1891 

4,334 

3,212 

32.41 

22.54 

1892 

4,634 

3,288 

32.33 

24.52 

1893 

4,296 

2,201 

30.45 

22.31 

1894 

4.385 

3,192 

33.04 

21.46 

1895 

4,591 

3,264 

33.04 

21.53 

1896 

1897 

4,747' 

3,156'' 

1  Superintendent  Cardoza  said  that  varying  salaries  for  races  for  this  year  were  due 

to  the  fact  that  a  greater  number  of  white  males  taught  schools  for  both  races 
than  did  colored  males — Superintendent's  Report,  i8'76,  p.  13.     . 

2  United  States  Commissioner's  Report,  1880,  p.  176. 

3  Ten  counties  not  reported. 
*  Figures  unreliable. 

'  United  States  Commissioner's  Report,  1897. 


142 


Public  Schools  in  Mississippi 


WHITE  AND  COLORED  TEACHERS,  AVERAGE  MONTHLY 

SALARIES  1875  TO  1 9 10  {Continued) 


NUMBER  OF  TEACHERS 

AVERAGE  MONTHLY  SALARIES 

Year 

White 

Colored 

White 

Colored 

1898 

1899 

4,419 

3,023 

1900 

1901 

5,147' 

3,368 « 

$30.64 

$19.39 

1902 

5,159' 

3,472' 

31.48 

19.66 

1903 

5,524' 

3,398' 

33.85  « 

19.69 « 

1904 

5,740' 

3,562 « 

1905 

5,774' 

3,559' 

38.90  8 

20.838 

1906 

5,868  6 

3,614' 

1907 

5,981 « 

3,518^ 

1908 

5,850« 

3,596 « 

1909 

6,099 « 

3,552 

41.498 

20.31 8 

1910 

6.472 « 

36926 

42.38 « 

20.528 

8  Teachers  in  both  separate  district  and  rural  schools. 

7  807  teachers  in  separate  districts,  added  by  author  to  figures  for  rural  schools; 

to  the  number  for  whites,  and  300  to  the  colored. 

8  Salaries  for  teachers  in  rural  schools. 

»  United  States  Commissioner's  Report,  1907. 


507 


VITA 

The  author,  Stuart  Grayson  Noble,  was  born  in  Pasco  County , 
Florida,  May  lo,  1886.  He  received  his  early  education  in  the 
public  school  at  Bushnell  in  Sumter  County.  His  secondary  edu- 
cation was  completed  in  the  Preparatory  Department  of  Centenary 
College,  Jackson,  Louisiana.  He  entered  the  Freshman  class  at 
the  University  of  North  Carolina  in  the  fall  of  1904,  and  graduated 
with  the  class  of  1907.  He  then  spent  a  year  as  instructor  in 
Horner  Military  School,  Oxford,  N.  C,  and  in  1908  went  to  Jackson, 
Mississippi,  as  instructor  in  the  Millsaps  Preparatory  School.  After 
serving  three  years  in  this  capacity,  he  was  promoted  to  the  head- 
mastership  of  the  institution. 

He  spent  the  summers  of  1908,  1909,  1910,  and  1914  in  the  study 
of  education  and  English  in  the  University  of  Chicago.  From  this 
institution  he  received  the  degree  of  Master  of  Arts  in  1910.  He 
was  in  residence  as  graduate  scholar  in  Teachers  College,  Columbia 
University,  1914-1915,  and  continued  his  studies  at  this  institution 
during  the  summers  of  1915,  1916,  and  1917. 

From  time  to  time  he  has  published  articles  in  local  school 
journals.  In  collaboration  with  Doctor  A.  A.  Kern  he  published 
in  191 6  a  high  school  text-book,  entitled  A  First  Book  in  English. 
He  has  been  professor  of  education  in  Millsaps  College  since  1916. 


JAN 


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